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 The press and political processes in contemporary Iraqi Kurdistan: Final Report

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The press and political processes in contemporary Iraqi Kurdistan: Final Report  26.9.2013  
John Hogan and John Trumpbour - Ekurd.net


 

September 26, 2013

Introduction

This is the Final Report of the research project into The Press and Political Processes in Contemporary Iraqi Kurdistan, led by Dr. John Hogan and Dr. John Trumpbour. The project has been supported by the Kurdistan Regional Government and Prime Minister Nechirvan Barzani in particular.

1.1 Research Aims and Purposes:

In embarking upon this research project, the aims and purposes were as follows:

a. To investigate the performance of the press and its relationship with other actors within the political process responsible for the dissemination and processing of information and debate.

b. To evaluate government press practices, public accountability and civic responsibility in contemporary Iraqi Kurdistan.

 

c. To investigate how the role and performance of the press in contemporary Iraqi Kurdistan is understood by the main stake-holders within society and polity.

d. To compare the practices, development and understandings of the press environment in Iraqi Kurdistan with environments in different national settings.

e. To build on this data to provide:

i) Vital research evidence about the quality of press coverage and its contribution to democratic discourse in contemporary Iraqi Kurdistan.

ii) An action plan based on good practice for the benefit of the Kurdistan Regional Government, policy makers, educators and press representatives to strengthen the democratic role of the press in Iraqi Kurdistan.

iii) Suggestions, where and if appropriate, for reforms and initiatives in the fields of public policy, law and regulation to strengthen the role of the Press in promoting democracy in Iraqi Kurdistan.

iv) To be a catalyst for an ongoing public debate about the role of the print media in society and the limits and possibilities of legitimate journalism for the functioning of the nation and democratic representation in Iraqi Kurdistan.

1.2 Iraqi Kurdistan Region:

Iraqi Kurdistan Region is made up of three governorates: Erbil, Sulaimaniyah and Duhok. Kurdistan Region is part of the federal State of Iraq, enjoying -of Iraq recognises the Kurdistan Region Presidency, the Kurdistan Regional recognizes the Peshmerga as the legitimate military force of the Region. With its own parliament, President and government, a standing army,www.ekurd.net along with diplomatic missions and the reception of the President and Prime Minister by their counter-parts in the major capitals of the world, the Region has many of the hallmarks of an independent state. Iraqi Kurdistan borders Syria to the West, Iran to the East, and Turkey to the North. The area is estimated at 40,643 square kilometres with a rapidly increasing population of around 4 million. However, Kurdistan Region also lays claim to territories beyond its immediate jurisdiction in Iraq, under the terms of We might add that Kurdistan Region is not just a territorial entity, but also the homeland of the diaspora, the many Kurds who were forced to flee in the past and who have yet to return.

1.3 Background history:

The Yezidi that stretches way beyond the confines of the Iraqi Kurdistan Region. It is a land that ranges over approximately 200,000 square miles, taking in parts of Turkey, Syria, Iraq, Iran, and the former Soviet republics of Armenia and Azerbaijan. Although united by the common language of Kurdish and with tribal and familial ties that straddle the borders imposed, there are different dialects spoken and written, most notably Sorani and Kermanji. Until the end of the First World War, Kurdistan was divided between the Ottoman and Safavid empires, which, according to the Zuhab Treaty in 1639, divided East from West along the Zagros Mountains. At the end of the First World War, The Treaty of Sevres proposed a division of the Ottoman Empire and its territory so as to include amongst other things an autonomous homeland for the Kurds. This treaty, however, was ultimately superseded by the Treaty of Lausanne in 1923. Thereafter, Kurdistan was divided between Turkey, Iran, Syria and Iraq. Since then, Kurds have been involved in a number of military struggles against the nation-states Powers.

Since the establishment of the Iraqi state in 1923, the Kurds have fought against different Iraqi regimes, taking up arms and forced to seek refuge in the mountains.

During this period, there were ceasefires, negotiations and unfulfilled promises by Iraqi governments followed by the resumption of military hostilities. The Kurdistan Democratic Party (KDP) was founded in 1946 under the leadership of General Mullah Mustafa Barzani, taking up the leadership of the Kurdish nationalist movement in Iraq. His son, Massoud Barzani, is now leader of the party and is the current President of Iraqi Kurdistan Region. In 1975, the Patriotic Union of Kurdistan (PUK) was established, led by current Iraqi President, Jalal Talabani.


 
 

The Kurds of Iraq were presented with the most destructive and violent foe with the -2003). In the late 1960s, the KDP failed to fulfil the demands for autonomy by the Kurds, who insisted on the inclusion of Kirkuk and Mosul into an autonomous Kurdistan. Military resistance resumed. The Baathists combined military warfare with a policy of Arabization, the systematic redrawing of the ethnic map through moving peoples and populating Kurdish areas

with Arabs, a policy that was pursued right up until the fall of the regime in 2003. repression, where freedom of expression was suicidal. In his book, : A childhood in Kurdistan, the acclaimed film director Hiner Saleem tells his story and pronounced so much as one word that displeased the government, he would 5. In the 1980s, during and after the Iraq-Iran war, the Iraqi regime launched several military campaigns against Kurdish combatants and civilians in Iraq.

The most notorious operation, named Anfal, took place in the spring and summer of 1988. The campaign included a series of military offensives. Thousands of villages were destroyed. The most notorious episode occurred with the use of chemical weapons on the people of Halabja. A large number of villagers who survived deportation, imprisonment and mass murder, were put together in concentration camps called . Throughout the Anfal, approximately 200,000 Kurds were murdered or disappeared. Recent research suggests that during the Anfal a...

Read the full report in PDF from Ekurd.net server

Notes on Authors

Dr Hogan is a Wertheim Fellow at the Labor and Worklife Program in the Law School at Harvard University. His primary area of research focuses upon the implications of new media for the politics and processes of organization. His work is published and cited within the fields of history, industrial relations, organization theory, geography, political science and sociology.

Dr Trumpbour is located at Harvard Law School, where he is Research Director for the Labor and Worklife Program. As a historian, trained first at Stanford University and then Harvard University where he gained his doctorate, Trumpbour is recognized as a prize-winning scholar with a global reach. His expertise ranges across a number of issues, such as US foreign policy and global media culture, the banking and pharmaceutical industries of India and China, the politics and society of France and Germany, globalization, technologies of innovation, theories of communication, migration, governance, labor, and the politics and social structure of southern Europe. He is a frequent contributor to public debate, authoring and contributing to articles that appear in national and international news periodicals, including Magazine, The Nation, and New York Times.

This report submitted to Ekurd.net by Dr John Hogan, Wertheim Fellow, Harvard Law School.

Copyright © 2013 Ekurd.net, respective author or news agency
 

 

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