The PKK demanded Turkey's recognition of the Kurds'
identity in its constitution and of their language
as a native language along with Turkish in the
country's Kurdish region [Northern Kurdistan], the
party also demanded an end to ethnic discrimination
in Turkish laws and constitution against Kurds,
ranting them full political freedoms. Turkey refuses
to recognize its Kurdish population as a distinct
minority and still denies the constitutional
existence of Kurds. A large Turkey's Kurdish
community, numbering to 23 million, openly
sympathise with PKK rebels. Photo:
Flickr
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Hiwa Zandi
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July 14, 2013
Read Part I |
Part II
1. Introduction
The unfolding ‘peace process’ between the Turkish
government and PKK, resonated hope in Turkey and
international community to finally bring an end to
the decades old Turkish-Kurdish conflict.
While Kurds have embraced the initiative, most are
suspicious of the Turkish government’s true
intention. There are concerns that the Turkish
political establishment may not act on its promises
under the peace process. This emanates partly from
the past experiences of Turkish deceit of the Kurds
in 1920s and partly from the current Turkish
military’s inconsistent measures that are
incongruent with the undergoing rapprochement.
This article looks at the viability of the Turkish
government’s peace process initiative. The article
is divided into three parts. The first part looks at
the Kurdish suspicions of the peace process based on
the Turkish government’s historical deceit of the
Kurds and current inconsistent measures taken under
the peace process. The second part reflects upon the
Kurdish suspicions by highlighting the causal
connections that prompted the Turkish government to
initiate the peace process. The final part looks at
the possible counter measures the Kurds could
undertake to avoid vicious consequences.
2. Historical Betrayal
In the aftermath of the First World War, the treaty
of Sèvres (10 August 1920) promised Kurds a State of
their own. Kurdish political elites such as Sharif
Pasha and Emin Ali Bedir Khan were drawing and
negotiating the boundaries of the promised
independent State of Kurdistan which would include
large Kurdish areas of current South-East Turkey.
Kemal Ataturk,www.ekurd.net
the founder of modern Turkey, would see the
circumstances irreversible unless he adopted strong
political tactics painted with deep-seated social
and religious values that could avoid such a
development.
He approached the Kurdish tribal and religious
leaders alluring them to perceive the treaty of
Sèvres as an imperialist plot devised to divide the
Turkish and Kurdish brotherhood. He made false
representations and promises for a future republic
in which Kurds and Turks would possess equal rights
and share power. He established a parliament in 1920
giving equal representation to the Kurds.
He continued to caress Kurdish political simplicity
until such times he could bury the chances of an
independent Kurdistan under the treaty of Sèvres
through negotiating the new treaty of Lausanne (24
July 1923). Once the treaty of Lausanne was agreed,
he brutally crushed the Kurds and run a campaign of
extinguishing Kurdish identity from the newly
established State of Turkey. He banned Kurdish
culture and language, crushed Kurdish rebellions
with iron-fist and killed several thousands of
Kurdish civilians.
3. Erdogan’s ‘Peace
Process’
Premised on this bitter historical experience, it is
therefore not surprising that the Kurds are
suspicious of Erdogan’s so called ‘peace process’
initiative arguably aimed at resolving the Kurdish
political problem in Turkey. Similar to Ataturk’s
initial socio-religious indoctrination, Erdogan has
also tried to charm the Kurdish minds by stressing
on the Islamic concept of ‘brotherhood’ and
collectively. In his several public addresses in
Amed (Diyarbakir), Erdogan has emphasised
Turkish-Kurdish ‘brotherhood’ and ‘unity’. He has
undertaken to relinquish the Kurdish political and
civil rights under the peace process.
However, on the practical grounds, Erdogan’s
statements and promises have not yielded any solid
results. This is at a time when PKK has nearly
completed its obligations under the first phase of
the peace plan by declaring ceasefire and
withdrawing from the Turkey’s territorial boundary.
The Turkish government has not responded by showing
good faith or taking any major step to commence the
second phase of the peace process. This would
encompass freeing Kurdish political prisoners and
making a series of fundamental legal reforms that
address Kurdish political, cultural, social and
economic grievances.
On the contrary, the process of restricting Kurdish
culture and civil rights is continuing, thousands of
Kurdish political activists are still holed in
prisons and militarisation of Kurdish region is
uninterrupted. Murat Karayilan, the current PKK
Commander in Chief, even voiced his concern that
contrary to the peace plan the Turkish government is
currently building further military outposts,
increasing the number of paramilitary forces and
preparing for a large scale war.
This lack of action or progress from the part of
Turkish government puts viability of the peace
process under question. It further adds to the Kurds
existing suspicions about the Erdogan’s intention in
initiating the peace process.
01.06.11 & 02.06.12.
http://edition.cnn.com/2011/WORLD/europe/06/01/turkey.prime.minister/index.html; http://www.businessturkeytoday.com/erdogan-addresses-public-in-diyarbakir.html
Read Part I |
Part II
Hiwa Zandi is a lawyer, Kurdish politics
specialist and Kurdish history researcher. He
obtained bachelor of International Relations and
Bachelor of Laws from the University of Queensland
Australia in 2007. He was admitted as a lawyer in
the Supreme Court of Queensland on 1 February 2010.
He has translated and published two books in
addition to his own research on the origins of
Baloches from the Median Kurds (books can be
downloaded from araspublishers.com or
kurdipedia.info ). He is also a regular contributing
writer and columnist for Ekurd.net. His email
address: [email protected].
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