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Eradicate the spirit of the 31st August,
1996
31.8.2012
Kurdistan Democratic Alliance (KDA)
via Ekurd.net |
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Massoud Barzani meeting Iraq's intelligence agency
officials over the deployment of Iraqi tanks to
Erbil to chase Talabani's PUK, 1996. Ekurd.net
Archive photo.

Iraqi Saddam's tanks in front of Kurdistan
parliament brought in by KDP to kick out Talabani's
PUK, September 1, 1996. Ekurd.net Archive photo.

Ekurd.net Archive photo.

Saddam Hussein hugs Massoud Barzani in Baghdad.
Photo: Abu Dhabi TV
August 31, 2012
Press Release: Kurdistan Democratic
Alliance (K.D.A) 31 August, 2012
There are many unfortunate occasions in Kurdish
history that leave deep non remediable wounds in the
collective memory of our nation. The internal
foolish conflict between the KDP leader (Mulla
Mustefa) and the KDP political bureau members headed
by (Ibrahim Ahmed –Jalal Talabani), between
1964-1970; the decision to flee to Iran in March
1975, then Hakari massacres 1978 followed by
intensive internal armed clashes and lasted,
intermittently, till 1998. These vicious hostilities
caused great damage to the nation as a whole and
discredited the Kurdish struggle for freedom and
dignity locally, regionally and internationally.
The former Baath regime realized very soon, the deep
hatred shared by both men, Mr. Jalal Talabani, who
was considered to be close to Teheran, and Mr
Massoud Barzani, who was judged as eagerly inclined
to Baghdad. Mr. Massoud Barzani in his dealing with
Baghdad showed no consideration for any [known
social and patriotic values, including] the
following crimes:
• The deportation and the massacres of Faily Kurds
in 1980
• Barzanis genocide in 1983
• Anfal Genocide (1986-1988)
• Chemical attacks in (1987-1988)
• The destruction of rural Kurdish areas, including
more than 3000 villages
• Arabization policy and summary execution and
torture of prisoners
The KDP leader bypassed all those crimes committed
by Saddam’s regime, and was eager to co-operate with
Baghdad for personal interest, solidify his
political and financial power and widen the zone
under his control to include the regional capital
Erbil, hence Baghdad made secret deals with him.
Financial and mutual trade collaboration was already
underway through Ibrahim Khalil border crossing
point between Turkey and Kurdistan region- Iraq-.
The two sons of the Iraqi dictator, Uday and Qosay,
had close commercial relations with the sons and
relatives of the KDP chief.
After the Baath military complete occupation of
Erbil in the early morning of 31 August 1996, the
city was handed over to the KDP leader, who
immediately imposed his own administration, it is
continuing to our present day.
What was the motive of this move, named 31 August
–judged by many Kurdish observers, even within the
KDP rank, as a treachery act?
• To take revenge from PUK chief as Talabani had
expelled the forces of Mr. Massoud Barzani.
• With Saddam’s agreement, he enlarged the zone
under his control, Baghdad embargo was lifted on the
areas controlled by KDP leader.
• From 1996 up to the collapse of Saddam’s regime in
2003, the co-operation between Baghdad and Erbil
intensified; economically, politically and
co-ordination in security level was carried out.
• KDP chief then, received regularly, huge amounts
of money from Baath regime. The money Baghdad paid
to Kurdish mercenary chiefs was transferred to the
KDP chief, old mercenaries had to get their salary
from the KDP leader and not from Baghdad.
- The leader of the KDP and his family has
accumulated fortune through smuggled oil wealth and
commodities across borders with Iran and Turkey.
• The KDP chief used such financial resources to
further corrupt Kurdish national ethics, propagate
opportunism, hypocrisy, buying people and cultivate
supremacy of dollars. A new illegally rich class
emerged, formed from KDP leader’s own close
relatives and from subordinated politburo members.
• The population of Sulaimaniyah and the area around
was put under further harsh economic pressure, so as
to force the population to admit defeat and
recognize the leadership of the pro Baghdad KDP
chief. Baath regime did all it can to consolidate
the power of their proxy KDP leader.
• Kurdistan economy was to witness two speeds, Duhok
and Erbil provinces, under the control of the KDP,
was much better off than Sulaimaniyah, which faced
famine and poverty, but resisted surrender.
The main Kurdish chiefs, who led the revolts and
dominated Kurdish society since the second half of
the 20th century, were the product of warlordism
temperament, personal interest and self centric
behavior.
Though, the Baath regime has gone to dustpin of
history, the political division of Kurdistan
designed under Saddam’s rule in 1996 is entirely
valid to present day. After more than twenty years
of self-rule,www.ekurd.net
Kurdistan is not unified as a single administrative
entity; with no constitution, both party chiefs of (KDP
& PUK) have kept the Kurdish society as hostage for
their personal wealth and supremacy.
It shows above all, that internal Kurdish conflicts
are not tackled in a peaceful, civilized and
democratic manner. Asking for enemy help becomes one
of the main characteristic of internal Kurdish
disputes, aiming at strengthening personal and
family rule.
The Shah of Iran used the Kurdish revolt (1961-1975)
as a pressure card against successive Iraqi
governments; he used it as well against the KDP
-Iran. The Islamic Republic of Iran provided weapons
for both chiefs of the KDP and PUK to fight each
other beginning of 90s. Internal Kurdish conflicts
discredited the Kurdish national liberation
movement, increased regional intervention in Kurdish
internal affaires. The Kurdish leaders were
qualified as warlords and not national heroes.
Then Turkey took the lead. Gokhan Bacik, the Turkish
journalist put it clearly in his article dated 5th
August 2012, in Today’s Zaman: “Turkish Prime
Minister Turgut Ozal was the historic architect of
the playing of the Barzani card in Turkish
diplomacy.” But Mr. Massoud has a close equal: “for
the same strategy incorporated Iraqi President Jalal
Talabani as well. As the arch-symbol of this
positive relationship, both Kurdish leaders had long
carried Turkish passports.” The Turkish motive is
clear, as Mr. Bacik put it with no ambiguity, among
other reasons, he wrote: “benefiting from Barzani’s
military and political power to limit the activities
of the PKK.” Very recently, Ankara offered an
official welcome to the KDP chief and other members
of the ruling family; he is used as an instrument
against Maleki, the Iraqi Prime Minister.
Partisan gains, personal and family interests, as a
base of foreign relation conduct, are incompatible
with the national interest of our people. Up to
present day, such policy has further fragmented the
national struggle and the unity of the nation in all
parts of Kurdistan.
The way foreign relation and internal affaires, has
been carried out, by the KDP & PUK chiefs, has
impacted negatively; the Kurdish national unity, the
establishment of a modern and democratic system in
Kurdistan; though the two chiefs are in perfect
agreement over sharing the region’s budget and
resources between their families and parties, while
playing a dangerous game with Ankara, Baghdad, Syria
and Iran.
Adventurism in foreign policy leads to impasse; oil
policy of the Kurdish chiefs highlighted the
helpless position into which Kurdish authority has
trapped itself: with no independent pipeline at
their disposal, or Ankara’s written accord to
circumvent Baghdad for Kurdish oil exports, there is
no choice but must come to terms with Baghdad. How
can you become legal oil exporter without being in
charge of international pipelines? Smuggling oil
across the frontiers is totally another matter,
harmful to the national interest of our people.
The Iraqi government has to be more flexible, and
start negotiation in order to avoid foreign
exploitation of internal disputes, which may be
harmful to both sides.
Opposition parties, mainly: Gorran, Yekgirto and
Komela, who are active legally in Kurdistan, were
timid, and their capacity to rally greater massive
popular support throughout Kurdistan, undermined by
too much of rhetoric instead of daring lucid
actions.
To eradicate the 31 August mentality from Kurdish
politics, end the political crisis in Kurdish
society internally and externally, family and
autocratic rule – lasted more than half a century -
must be replaced with a truly democratically elected
parliament from which an elected government can be
formed, according to the already approved
constitution by the people of Kurdistan. Such a
change depends on the generation emerging in our
society, with new vision, new faces, new strategy
and tactic, and divorced from the old classical
pattern of the failed current elites.
Kurdistan Democratic Alliance
30 August 2012
Copyright © 2012 Ekurd.net.
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