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Post-Assad Syria Needs Recognition of
Diversity in a New Political System
9.8.2012
By Shakhawan Shorsh
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Special to Ekurd.net |
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August 9, 2012
While the internal war between the Syrian regime and
the oppositional Free Syrian Army is ongoing and the
end of the al-Assad family's power seems to be
approaching, differences of opinion and purpose
remain among the Syrian opposition political parties
regarding the post-Assad political solution and
system. Especially, the main part of the political
parties that control the Kurdish territory (Northern
Syria) look at the Arab leaders with doubt and worry
regarding the subject of future Kurdish political
and cultural rights.
The Kurds have their reasons to have such a
suspicious view and judgment and for being cautious
toward the real intentions of the Arab majority's
political leaders. The Kurds in Syria have been
cruelly oppressed since the Baath regime took power
in the 1960s. The Baath regime regarded the Kurds as
foreigners in their own homeland, and denied the
Kurds any rights as citizens of Syria, but rather
tried to assimilate them into Arab society under a
policy of Arabization.
Since the current uprising against the regime began,
the Arab political parties such as the Islamists and
the nationalists have not yet put forward any kind
of acceptance policy toward the Kurdish rights; in
effect, they dostill not give any clear written
promises regarding Kurdish rights. The other ethnic
minority groups such as Christians, Assyrians,
Alawites, Shias and Druzehave met the same cold
attitude of denial. Thus, they too are worried
abouttheir political future and destiny.
Turkey is an active and influential political player
in the region and will have an influence on the
post-Assad political system in Syria; thus, it is
not likely that Turkey will make the same mistake it
did in relation to Iraq (Turkey refused to allow
western troops to use Turkish territory and did not
participate in the invasion of Iraq,www.ekurd.net
thus Turkey was without significant influence
concerning the rebuilding decisions). However, the
active involvement of Turkey is alarming for the
Kurds as Turkey does not support minority rights and
especially Kurdish autonomy in Syria. Turkey does
not want a strong Kurdish society enjoying their
minority rights similar to those of Iraqi Kurds.
Turkey has influenced the draft of the political
solution for a post-Assad Syria that was made in
Istanbul. The draft does not mention Kurdish rights
and there are no clear concessions for minority
rights. The Cairo conference showed a similar
attitude toward the Kurds. The Kurdish leaders
walked out of the conference room as a protest
against the denial of any mention of Kurdish rights.
Turkey is anxious about the Kurdish control over the
Kurdish cities in northern Syria, and threatens
military intervention as they regard the situation
as unacceptable. Clearly, any Turkish intervention
would worsen the situation and harm the prospects
for future peace and stability in Syria. Turkish
intervention can lead to a long internal war,
widening the cleavage between Arab and Kurds, and
regional instability.
As regards the Syrian opposition groups, the Arab
opposition groups are saying, “they are all Syrians
and they fight for Syrians people's rights”. Turkey
supports this slogan as it is similar to its policy
toward the rights of its own minorities. The Turkish
authorities claim to support democracy and
individual rights; however, they refuse to recognise
any ethnic differences in the Syrian society and do
not accept ethnic minority rights such as Kurdish
political rights and any form of self-determination.
This instrumental approach for state building after
the fall of the dictatorial regime cannot and does
not guarantee the stopping of Kurdish oppression or
the prevention of the marginalisation of Kurds in
the future. It does not guarantee a protection of
Kurdish interests and it only theoretically accepts
the Kurds as Syrian individuals that have the same
rights as any other Syrians. It is far from certain
that the new Arab regime will or can protect
individual and human rights. Discrimination against
and the marginalisation of minority groups are
inevitable as long the minorities do not have
constitutional protections. This instrumental policy
is a denial of the ethnic diversity in Syrian
society and can be used cruelly against the minority
groups. For instance, any attempts toward freedom
can be accused as contributing to the division of
Syrians and a betrayal against Syrian unity and
sovereignty.
This instrumental sort of approach cannot solve the
longstanding minority problems in Syria. Turkey
failed to solve its Kurdish question by denying
Kurdish political and cultural rights and insists on
continuing this policy in spite of the continuing
internal war and instability. Why should Syria take
the same political way? Why refuse minority rights
such as Kurdish rights and self-rule? The post-Assad
Syria has to choose between peace and acceptance or
rejection and internal instability.
The Syrian political leaders and outside powers that
are interested in the issue have to take into
consideration the Syrian society withits ethnic
diversity and look at the minority rights as a
question of justice, not as a security question,
with the sole fear being that any minority right,
power sharing and proportional participation of the
minorities in power threatens the national security
or national interests of Syria.
The Kurds, Christians, Alawites and other ethnic
groups of Syria have their legitimate aspirations
and dreams. The new political system must take all
those needs and rights into consideration, so the
political solution of the past problems can meet the
wishes of those peoples.
The instrumental ideas and solutions cannot and will
not meet the aspirations and needs of the minority
groups, and thus cannot solve the past problems.
Furthermore, the denial of recognition of the
minorities, which is the hidden face of the slogan,
“we are all Syrians”, is paving the way for another
period of minority oppression and violations of
human rights.
The peaceful coexistence of the Syrian ethnic groups
requires acceptance of ethnic diversity, power
sharing and equal distribution of wealth. A form of
democratic federal system, in which there is a just
power sharing policy, proportional representation,
minority veto rights and local self-determination
protected by a constitution can be the satisfactory
solution of the Kurd-Arab conflict as well the other
minority problems in Syria that can guarantee
long-term peace and stability.
Shakhawan Shorash, a freelance writer from Iraqi
Kurdistan and regular contributing writer for
Ekurd.net, you can visit Shorsh's website at:
www.kadirshorsh.com
Copyright
© 2012 Ekurd.net. All rights reserved
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