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 UK: Kurdish gangmaster will smuggle people into Britain for £2,000

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UK: Kurdish gangmaster will smuggle people into Britain for £2,000  1.7.2012 
By Sue Reid, Figen Gunes and Faruk Zabaci
Daily Mail UK 

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Gangmaster: Fahruddin, a Kurd,  snapped by a hidden camera at the migrants' camp in Teteghem. Last week 21 migrants from Afghanistan and Iran made the trip and earned Fahruddin nearly 50,000. Photo: Jamie Wiseman/dailymail.co.uk


The camp, at the village of Teteghem (ideally located near the ferry ports of Dunkirk, Calais and Belgium's Ostend) is a crucial cog in a huge criminal operation smuggling migrants to Britain. Photo: Jamie Wiseman/dailymail.co.uk


People leave the Teteghem camp. It has grown ever since the so-called 'official' migrant camps, such as the Red Cross-run centre in Sangatte, were closed after pressure from successive British governments. Photo: Jamie Wiseman/dailymail.co.uk


Wood Green in North London, where people smuggler Fahruddun told Mail investigators to leave money before he would smuggle them to Britain. Photo: Jamie Wiseman/dailymail.co.uk

 
Last week 21 migrants from Afghanistan and Iran made the trip and earned Fahruddin nearly 50,000. Photo: Jamie Wiseman/dailymail.co.uk

Operation smuggles 5,000 migrants a year into Britain from northern France . The Mr Big making a mockery out of the so-called immigration crackdown: Kurdish gangmaster will smuggle people into Britain for £2,000

July 1
, 2012

LONDON,— Standing on a patch of grass 46 miles across the Channel from the White Cliffs of Dover, a man in a designer jacket emblazoned with the words ‘No Fear’ is making a laughing stock of our Government’s promises to stop illegal immigration into Britain.

He calls himself ‘Fahruddin’ and is the Mr Big of a multi-million-pound people-trafficking operation that every year smuggles 5,000 migrants from all over the world into Britain from northern France.

Ten days ago, three young Turks paid him a total of £9,500 to be put on a lorry and taken by ferry to Dover.

A few nights later, 21 migrants from Afghanistan and Iran made the same trip and earned Fahruddin nearly £50,000.

And then on Tuesday, he promised to smuggle a 29-year-old Turkish girl (along with two Chinese couples) from Dunkirk to Kent if her relatives deposited a large sum of cash with a fixer-colleague at a small supermarket in Wood Green, North London.

He told the girl: ‘Don’t be scared. If you have the money, I will get you there. Inshallah (God willing). I can easily arrange it. I send people every night. Those who have paid already go to the front of the queue. I am very successful.’

His activities make a mockery of claims by David Cameron that Britain’s immigration controls have got tougher.


Fahruddin, an Iraqi-Kurd who successfully claimed asylum in Britain in 2007, in his early 20s, is making huge amounts of money as a people-smuggler, operating out of a makeshift camp on the outskirts of Dunkirk.

The camp, in a field beside a lake and equestrian centre, is hidden by trees from traffic on the motorway between Dunkirk and Calais.

It looks innocent enough: a group of wooden huts in a clearing, several mobile lavatories provided by the local health authorities and the embers of a fire which is lit at night by migrants to keep warm.

Once a week, local charity workers visit to provide food and clothing donated by the French public.

The camp, at the village of Teteghem (ideally located near the ferry ports of Dunkirk, Calais and Belgium’s Ostend) is a crucial cog in a huge criminal operation smuggling migrants to Britain.

It has grown ever since the so-called ‘official’ migrant camps, such as the Red Cross-run centre in Sangatte, were closed after pressure from successive British governments.

A French police officer patrolling in his car near the camp last week said: ‘There are other unofficial camps up and down this side of the Channel, but this one is the most popular. At least 20 people go to England on lorries every night.

‘The men running the camp are Iraqis and Kurds who are based in Britain. Many carry guns and are prepared to use them. I’m afraid that even police officers don’t enter the camp at night.’

During my investigations I was tipped off about the existence of the camp by a man, whom we will call Mr A, who settled in North London 20 years ago after arriving legally from Turkey using his Cypriot passport.

He wanted to expose how huge amounts of money are being made by people such as Fahruddin and highlight the poor conditions of the camps in northern France.

Twenty-five of his Turkish relatives have followed him to Britain as stowaways on lorries, after paying thousands of pounds to people-smuggling gangs. Mr A volunteered to take me and a photographer to France to show how clandestine migration continues to flourish.

Using an undercover video camera and a secret sound tape, Mr A and a 29-year-old Turkish girl — who he knew and who used the pseudonym Rojda — walked into the Teteghem camp.

Posing as a caring uncle with his niece, their cover story was that he wanted her to travel illegally to Britain to join relatives. Other migrants waiting to be smuggled to England pointed them to Fahruddin who,
www.ekurd.net breezily, explained how he could organise their journey within days — for a large fee.

Mr A told him the girl’s father, who lived in Turkey, would find the cash to pay for her journey.

They recorded their 45-minute conversation with Fahruddin and secretly filmed him as he explained the camp was a ‘distribution centre’ for migrants.

He boasted that the previous night he had put 45 migrants on lorries which were bound for Dover from Calais and Dunkirk.

He said 21 had successfully reached Dover but 24 had not managed to get onto the lorries. ‘They will try again,’ he promised. ‘We do not give up.’

So how do these illegal people-trafficking operations — of which there are many — work?

The system depends on the large communities of migrants already settled in Britain and who are willing to pay cash to get their relatives or friends to join them.

‘They call England “Hope Land”,’ Fahruddin explained. ‘None of the migrants here — whether they come from Iran, or Iraq, from Afghanistan, China or Turkey — want to settle in mainland Europe. They only want to go to England.’

Fahruddin outlined in detail to Mr A and Rojda the two ways he could get her across the Channel.

First, there was the cheaper Option A. This would involve her father sending relatives in England £2,000 in cash to hand to a middle-man contact of


Fahruddin’s at a supermarket in Wood Green.

Once the cash was handed over, Fahruddin would be told via mobile phone and he would then proceed to put Rojda on a lorry. Under this option, the driver would be totally unaware of his illicit human cargo.

Alternatively there is the more expensive Option B which, he said, had a greater guarantee of success. Fahruddin explained that Rojda’s family would have to give £6,000 to the same Wood Green supermarket contact.

She would then be put in a lorry whose driver would be aware of the smuggling attempt since he would get a share of the money if the passage was successful.
Both options would mean Rojda would be taken from the camp in a car after midnight by one of Fahruddin’s lieutenants to a lorry park near the ferry ports where drivers sleep in their cabs or leave their vehicles unattended while on a meal-break.

Under Option A, a member of the gang would break into the trailer — cutting the security wire circling the outside — and check the labels on boxes and pallets to ascertain the lorry was heading for England.

Once sure, he would push Rojda in and seal the trailer’s wire with superglue so the break-in would not be detected by the driver.

Despite talk by politicians of beefed up border checks, X-ray equipment and increased security at ports, it was clear from talking to Fahruddin that these measures are no deterrent to the smugglers and thousands of foreigners are still getting through illegally.

In Dover, the gang’s English-based accomplices would be waiting for Rojda and would follow the lorry for miles by car until it stopped and the driver got out. Quickly, they would break in again, retrieve Rojda and drive her to her relatives in London.

Under Option B, the driver would stop at a safe, pre-arranged spot outside Dover, where he would be met by Fahruddin’s gang members and Rojda would be handed over.

During the discussions between Mr A, the girl and Fahruddin, she was told not to worry about the heat-seeking equipment used by border guards at ports to detect migrants hiding in lorries.

The smugglers have devised a simple trick to escape such checks. They wrap migrants in a cold, wet blanket or put ice cubes in their clothes so the warmth of the body is not detected by the equipment.

Having proved how easy it is to arrange to be smuggled illegally into Britain, Rojda and her uncle promised to ring Fahruddin after they had arranged his fee.

Although they never took up his offer, our investigation shows how simple it is for thousands of foreigners to slip illegally into the UK every year — and how plenty of criminals break the law and get rich by helping them to do so.

I tracked down, for example, the three Turks who paid Fahruddin £9,500 to get to England ten days ago. They had reached his camp after a 2,000-mile journey in a vegetable lorry from Gazientep, a Turkish city near the Syrian border.

They are now part of the rapidly growing Turkish community in Britain, which tops 500,000 in London alone.


The trio included a young husband and wife, aged 27 and 24, who are now settling in Hackney, East London.

The husband, a carpenter, has already started work on the black market at a relative’s supermarket while his wife, who speaks only Kurdish, is still recovering from the 40-day journey across Europe.

The third member of the trio — a 24-year-old woman — is a friend of the couple. She is now living in a relative’s flat in North London with her husband, who was smuggled into Britain on a lorry from Calais several years ago.

They told Mr A how they got to Britain. The money was provided by a relative called Ibrahim, who deposited the money to pay Fahruddin with another North London supermarket contact.

The three then waited at the Teteghem camp for ten days for Fahruddin to have proof of the payment and then give the go-ahead.

At midnight, they were driven to the first petrol station across the Belgian border, where a waiting lorry was parked.

The driver was part of the scam. Wearing a black cap, he got out of his cab and pushed the three into the lorry trailer, which was full of textiles destined for a clothes factory in Britain. He then drove to Dunkirk and boarded a 2am ferry for England.

A few hours later, as dawn was breaking, they stepped out onto British soil to start a new life — just like the hundreds of thousands before them and, if wealthy criminal gang masters such as Fahruddin get their way, thousands more in the future.

Copyright ©, respective author or news agency, dailymail.co.uk

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