Muhammed Fethullah Gulen, is a Turkish preacher,
author, educator, and Sufi Muslim scholar living in
self-imposed exile in Pennsylvania (USA), he the founder and leader of
the Gulen movement.
Read more by the Author
June
11, 2012
A man-made system or revolution lasts as long as its
master lives; when the man dies, the system dies
with the man. Once a friend of mine traveled to
Turkey, a decade or so ago, and he was surprised at
the omnipresence of Ataturk. Everywhere were busts,
statues, and pictures of Ataturk, and official
holidays, schools, as well as civil services were
named after him. Numerous Turks believed he had
super intelligence and indeed was the savior of
Turks, and many secular Turks almost worshipped
Ataturk and his principles. It was hard to criticize
him and his work, because anyone who criticized him
either lost their job or ended up in jail due to the
blasphemy law that considered any derogatory remark
against Ataturk to be a defamation of Ataturk. Even
the Turkish Constitutional law forbids anyone from
denigrating him.
Today Kemalism is dead, and his secular system has
been thrown into the dustbin. What is happening now
is a substitution of Gülenist tyranny for the former
secularist or Kemalist tyranny, and that shift does
not make Turkey any more democratic. Kemalism was a
phenomenon beyond party politics; it was a way of
life, and even some secularists treated Kemalism as
a religion and the founder Ataturk as an
extraordinary person. Nevertheless, based on the
military’s stronghold, a powerful central role for
the state, and the Kemalist ideology, today this
system is being replaced by another ideology or ism
called “Gülenism.” Gülenists think of and see Gülen
as an extraordinary person and his ideology as a way
of life; some of his followers even see him and
think of him as the Mehdi, the savior of Islam and
humanity, believing that they are the chosen ones,
that they are the ones who know best in all matters,
and that they can never speak against Gülen. They
want to have one man, one party, and one hegemony
with no room for competition. In a strong central
hierarchy, as most of human history has been telling
us, a craving for power drives men.
Tyrants who conspire and legitimize any possible way
to power, and then become drunk with power, leave
behind trails of injustice and destruction. Also,
history tells us that even those who rise to power
with good intentions soon become corrupt. They take
advantage of their position in order to protect and
enrich themselves or their family and friends. To
gain this protection and enrichment, they silence,
deny, or slander those who threaten their authority
and power. They are always paranoid, closed to
critics, and oppressive. They desperately cling to
power in fear that, if they lose control, then they
might also lose their power. An opportunity leads to
temptation, and then unrestrained power sets its own
agenda.
That is what is happening in Turkey. Democratic
politics is sometimes driven by self-interest and
greed. Gülenists are using democracy in each
election to
grab power; they do
whatever they can within the law and sometimes
outside of the law to influence public opinion
with the weapon of misinformation. For example,
for a long time Gulenists have praised Erdogan
and used his government to gain power both
internationally and domestically.
Internationally they use governmental high
officials, bureaucrats, and diplomats to visit
their NGOs,www.ekurd.net
cultural centers, and missionary institutions to
gain credibility, but once the Prime Minister
did not listen to Gülen but paid attention to
his constituency, and now they are doing
negative campaigning against Erdogan. Soon they
might slander Erdogan as well. Time will tell
what happens. Since Erdogan wants to do away
with the special courts that are sending anti-Gulenists
to prison, the Gulenists are drawing back from
Erdogan who, perhaps, is beginning to understand
that a country cannot have two governments. Now
they are praising Gul over Erdogan because
whenever Gul is touring, President Gul visits
their schools and missionaries’ NGOs, but the
Prime Minister does not. The Prime Minister now
realizes the agenda of the Gülenists, and most
likely this divergence of purpose will not be
reconciled any time soon. For sure, Gülen places
people who believe his ideology in the top of
the government bureaucracy.
The checks and balances system guarantees
democracy. In Gülenism there are no checks and
balances, and Gülen’s ideas are absolute.
Gülenism may be described in terms of an
ideology or system that has to be a centralized,
political system with a multi-cultural
perspective. The main unification is an Islamic
identity as was the case with the traditional
Ottoman and Islamic model. The main goal of
Gülen is to bring back the golden generation,
which was the Ottoman Empire.
Kemalism was a man-made system of Ataturk,
imposed on an unwilling nation by a victorious
leader who had saved Turkey from a disastrous
Ottoman Empire. Therefore, revolution did not
survive long and was instead dismantled and
replaced by Gülenism. The survival of Kemalism
was due to the nature of the ideology of the
dictator rather than of the people’s will. The
main goal of Kemalism was to make Turkey become
a European country with European values and
culture. Ataturk was a ruler with total power
over Turkey and, like most demagogues, typically
one who had obtained power by force. The
survival of Gülenism is due to a dictatorial,
authoritarian, secretive, highly centralized
system that generates fear of being
excommunicated from the community in its members
and of having the nature of an ideology rather
than being more tolerant or democratic.
Now Gülen uses the same strategies as his
predecessor by having total power over Turkey
via all civil, social, political, and economical
entities as well as the military and the police.
Granted, Gülen has helped bring change to Turkey
like Ataturk did from 1925 until his death,
which was a great era for Turkey with its single
party, that of Ataturk, having absolute power
with no checks and balances. As we see today
that Gülen has absolute power over his movement
with an unchecked hierarchy, Gülen is the
untouched, unchallenged, and unchecked balance
of power. Ataturk closed down all venues of
civil society, political parties, institutions,
and independent parties that did not agree with
his ideology and, consequently, challenged his
cult. Today Gulenists are doing the same thing,
closing down the institutions or putting those
involved in prison. All the secular, Kurdish
civil institutions, political figures,
academician, writers, journalists who do not
believe but instead challenge his ideology are
incarcerated. Ataturk had obtained power by
force, but Gülenists have obtained power in a
similar way– by force of lies in not telling the
truth about their agenda– so that now they have
total control and are using force, either to
threaten those who object to them or to bring a
lawsuit against them because most of the judges
in Turkey are also Gülenists. Ataturk never
challenged his opponents’ political parties but
rather had free and fair elections. Instead he
relied on arbitrary courts to produce the death
certificate to execute thousands of dissidents,
such as Mollah Said, Iskilipli Mehmed Atif Hoca,
Ali Sukru, and Kazim Karabekir, with some of
them being murdered by Ataturk’s followers.
Meanwhile, Ataturk’s most notable dissident who
refused to belief his cult ideology was Saidi
Kurdi, an imam who spent most of his life in
prison cells and moved from location to location
even to the degree that nobody knows where his
grave is.
Gülenists may not be literally murdering people
yet, but they assault them by putting them in
prison through arbitrarily controlled courts.
Now finally the Prime Minister has decided to
abolish all these arbitrary courts. Gülenists
have become alarmed, because they tend to be
afraid and paranoid. Huseyin Gulerce, who is
often in touch with Gülen, manifested paranoia
and alarm, showing his frustration by writing in
Gülen’s Zaman newspapers criticizing Erdogan so
that, for the first time, there is concern among
the Justice and Development Party (AK) party’s
support base. His statements suggesting that the
special courts will be abolished raise questions
about where the AK party is headed. The reason
Huseyin Gulerce is getting paranoid and alarmed
is because if the arbitrary courts are
abolished, then all those who have arbitrarily
been detained will be free and openly oppose
Gülenism, making it difficult for Gülen to have
complete hegemony; therefore, Gulenists want to
retain the dissidents in prison for a longer
period while they complete their mission of
completely taking over the government and
getting rid of all the opposition. At present
they have thousands of Kurdish politicians,
journalists, leaders, elected mayors, and
parliamentarians who are in prisons. Those who
challenge them or refuse to accept their cult
ideology, they threaten to be sue. Ultimately,
those opposing Ataturk or Gülen meet the same
fate of being burned.
For a long time Turks have been trying to define
their identity and where they belong. In 1923,
when Ataturk founded the Turkish Republic,
Kemalism was a movement for Ataturk to express
his ideology, in the name of the republic, for
teachers to raise generations with free ideas,
free conscience, free knowledge, and a movement
of enlightenment. Ataturk was also
opportunistic; Ataturk wanted to get Western
technology, instruments, factories, science, as
well as the philosophy of the West and the
Western education system so that art, science,
and technology could grow. Turks need to have a
culture of freedom of thought, respect, and
appreciation for science. Ataturk did not want
institutions or individuals to be under the
pressure of any religious dogma. He established
legal and governmental mechanisms to allow Turks
to embrace Islam in their private lives while
banning religion from public affairs. Ataturk
separated mosques from the state and withdrew
its dominant influence. He wanted Turkey to be
modern like Europe with modern secular laws
governing public life rather than the
Ottoman-imposed Shar’ia law. Because the Ottoman
Empire was “the sick man of Europe,” it helped
Ataturk to implement his policies. However,
Ataturk put into official practice his six
principles of Kemalism: republicanism,
nationalism, populism, statism, secularism, and
revolution or reformism, tenets which were
written into the Constitution of 1924. Whoever
criticized these principles was vigorously
repressed. Thus, Ataturk became the symbol of
Turkey, with a generation supporting this
Turkish revolution and its founder Atatürk.
Republicanism
Now, according to Gülen, republicanism should be
“a government of freedom, virtue, and morality
and not a rule of “’loose’ freedom.” For Gülen,
the Republic should not have only elections but
also consultations. That is why he has a problem
with the Prime Minister because he is not
consulting with his decision. For Kemalism,
republicanism meant to have no democracy but
only authoritarianism.
Nationalism
Regarding the principle of nationalism, Ataturk
said, “Happy is he who calls himself a Turk.”
The definition of a Turkish nation was founded
in 1929, when every citizen of the Turkish
Republic of Turkey was considered a Turk,
whether Kurdish, Greek, Armenian, Jewish, or
another minority because, in Kemalist ideology,
nationalism was limited. But it was not trying
to make Turkey the most powerful state in the
region or in the Islamic world, but rather it
intended to make Turkey competitive with the
most advanced countries in the world and
especially with the West. Ataturk wanted Turkey
to become as advanced as Western countries.
Unlike Kemalism, Gülenism is committed to
accentuate economic, military power, and
politics, in addition to becoming an Islamic
leader. Grounded in secrecy, it seeks to create
an Islamic-based utopian society. For Kemalism,
the mandate was to spread enlightenment
everywhere and to strive to accomplish Ataturk’s
goals. For Gülenism, the members of the
community recruit followers and create goodwill
for the organization by a variety of means, but
all with secret motives.
Populism
The concept of the populism ushered in a policy
which tried to promote the material and cultural
development of a lower group of marginalized
people. Ironically, those marginalized became
further marginalized if they retained their
identity. The actual principles of populism were
to create a classless society, and the Kemalist
ideology valued the supremacy of the Turkish
people.
Statism
Statism tried to create an industrial system
enabling the state to regulate the economy, the
housing, and the social, cultural, and economic
environment to create some kind of state
enterprise. However, for Said Nursi, the Islamic
scholar of the Kemal era, the reason the West
became more advanced than Muslims was because of
their domination in science and because the
Western world was described as developed
countries that are controlling the
resources and riches
of the earth. Thus, the Kurdish scholar was
aware of the problem of education during his
lifetime. He, therefore, strongly felt that,
without reforming the entire education system to
change the mindsets of Muslims and to develop
the nation like Western countries, the nation
could not achieve its goal. He, therefore,
proposed to establish a university to integrate
and teach general knowledge and modern science
side by side because the intellectual direction
for social change is guided by the universities.
In the past Muslims progressed through weapons
and swords, but today the sword is not a popular
weapon. Instead the scientific approach is the
most effective way to persuade the modern world.
For Saidi Kurdi, in the future truth will take
the place of force and proof the place of
sophistry. In the Kurdish scholar’s words,
“Through the endeavors of science, what will
prevail entirely in the present and totally in
the future, is truth instead of force, proof
instead of sophistry and reason instead of
nature.” Gülen took the Kurdish scholar‘s idea
and implemented it, but the plan became known as
“the Gülen Movement,” and the observers gave
credit to Gülen although using education as a
vehicle was not actually his idea. Saidi Kurdi,
also advised Ataturk not to import European
morals and civilization to Turkey but only to
take the positive knowledge of science and
technology from Europe. To Saidi Kurdi and Gülen,
Westerners learned this civilization from the
Turks. Ataturk offered Saidi Kurdi a political
position and any office he would like, but he
was not interested in an office; as long as
suppression of religion continued, he could not
have any role in an atheistic government. He
even called Ataturk “Decall,” meaning liar or
deceitful, evil doer among other things. For
this reason the Kurdish scholar was sentenced to
jail and spent the rest of his time in exile.
The Ottoman heritage has been a big factor in
the establishment of the Turkish political
culture and was the subject of cultural wars
among Gülenism, the Kurdish movement,
secularism, and the Alevi and Sunni brands of
Islam, which had rejected the homogenous Turkish
identity. The war of culture caused the people
to question the official definition of a Turkish
culture and its implication for political life.
Gulenists tried to bring back the Ottoman Empire
to public and political life. Especially with
the emergence of the new states in the Balkans,
entailing the estrangement and injustice
perpetrated against the Balkan Muslims, the
Turks remembered the cultural heritage of the
Ottoman Empire that ruled the Balkans for
centuries. Consequently, Gülen opened schools
and invested economically in the region with
even some of the heads of the states and
bureaucrats already being followers of Gülen.
Kemalism as a top-down Westernization model of
statism is dead. Nothing would portend the end
of the Kemalism better than the rewriting of the
Constitution of Turkey and all of its defenders,
the realistic, hard-core generals, being in
prison, in addition to the changes in the
education system and civil society. Today
Gulenists work hard to restore the Ottoman
Empire, exactly what Ataturk destroyed.
Secularism
Another principle of Kemalism is secularism or
the idea of separation of mosque and state. In
this view secularism means separation of
religion from educational, cultural, and legal
affairs. No religion or group can interfere in
the state affairs and cannot claim any privilege
in the state. No religion or groups can
influence state law, so that the state remains
impartial towards all religious groups and does
not interfere in religious affairs, but in
certain circumstances the state can interfere in
the religious affairs of groups. For example, if
a group asks its member to commit suicide or to
sacrifice himself or herself, the state can
intervene in the religious affairs, but in
Turkey the state does interfere in a religious
group’s affairs. Turkey has an official
Directorate of Religious Affairs that looks
after the religious affairs of only the Sunnite
Moslems. Gülenism is trying to monopolize the
discourse about itself around the globe among
academicians, politicians, diplomats, civil
society groups, and NGO’s who have been invited
to Gülen’s conferences, where they are given red
carpet treatment and two-week tours to Turkey
and then later asked to write positive things
about Gülen and the movement. The result is
mostly favorable but is that scholarly? How
could one expect a person to produce an
objective study about Gülen and his organization
if the organization gives him benefits? In
reality, everything has been written or produced
by the Gülenists themselves
All Muslims are called to follow Mohammed’s way
of life – his lifestyle, his leadership as the
sole leader, and his philosophy – as well as to
disseminate his doctrine. The question is: why
do Gulenists disseminate Gülen’s name? Why do
Gulenists, in writing any articles, quote from
Gülen instead of quoting from Mohammed? Why has
every conference been given the name of Gülen
and not the name of Mohammed, if Mohammed is the
founder of Islam and the messenger of God? Is it
because Gulenists are ashamed to associate with
Mohammed and have a hard time to answer some of
the Westerners’ accusations against Mohammed and
his life? When Mohammed gave his last sermon, he
recommended to all his devotees to follow two
things: one is the Quran and the other is his
teaching and his Sunnah. Also, in Islam idolatry
is not allowed, but today many Gulenists idolize
Gülen. Is Gülen’s lifestyle equal to Mohammed’s?
Why do they not quote Mohammed or Quranic
verses? Is Mohammed’s lifestyle or his Sunnah
not compatible with today’s life, and that is
why they do not associate themselves with
Mohammed or his Sunnah? Is Gülen more moral than
the Prophet Mohammed and that is why most of his
followers are trying to disseminate Gülen’s
ideology – and instead of giving conferences to
discuss what the Quran says about violence, what
the Quran says about peace, love or war, they
instead speak of Gülen’s ideas? What does the
Quran say about interfaith dialogue? What does
the Quran say about the future of the world?
What does the Quran say about where Muslims
should look and pray? What does the Quran say
about politics and human rights? What does the
Quran urge about tolerance toward other
religions? Gulenists quote Gülen more than
Quranic verses. America wants to have a moderate
Islam that it can work with and can give
directions and orders to its leaders. But it is
a very wrong-headed and dangerous hope to have
such this kind of Islam. A student of Islam and
its history knows that the religion has always
had problems with power. Once the leaders get
full power, then they ask for submission as the
only way to be respected and accepted by all.
Today Gülenists have organized economically,
socially, politically, educationally and gained
an enormous amount of power.
Secularism is based on separating religion from
all the affairs of this life. It rules by the
laws and regulations other than Allah’s laws.
Hence, secularism rejects Allah’s rules with no
exception and prefers regulations other than
those of Allah and his messenger. In fact, many
secularists claim that Allah law might have been
suitable for the time they were revealed but are
now outdated. By contrast Kemalism presupposes
no religion in politics and no politics in
religion or that religion is a private matter
between the individual and Allah, and that the
state is for the people. However, in truth,
faith is an important resource for the
tranquility of a society. If society does not
have any faith, then it will not have any
tranquility and order.
Revolution/ Reformism
Kemalism represents a political revolution, a
change from the multinational homogeneous
society to a mononational society that
established the Republic of Turkey. Kemalists
believed that republicanism is the best system
for the Turkey and its people. Kemalism was also
a social revolution in terms of its main
purpose. This revolution was led from the top
down with a dictatorial orientation towards the
populace. Kemalism brought a change by adopting
Western codes of law in Turkey, and Ataturk
claimed that true rulers of Turkey were the
peasants, but in reality the elite ruled.
The Kemalist revolution was a nationalistic
revolution which respected the right to
independence of all others nations; it employed
nationalism with a social context. Ataturk’s
view of nationalism adheres to the principle
that the Turkish state is an indivisible whole
comprising its territory and people. Ataturk
made clear that principles of statism were
interpreted to mean that the state was to
regulate the country’s general economic activity
and that the state was to engage in areas where
private enterprise was not willing to do so and,
therefore, took the ownership of the major
industries of the country. Gülen’s revolution is
a nationalistic and religious revolution. Like
Kemalism, Gülenism sought hegemony and
domination; both are monopolistic systems that
co-opt, subordinate, or destroy diversity.
Wherever either has gone, native traditions,
local culture, and non-monotheistic belief get
marginalized or eliminated. Gülenists look to
Gülen for the answer to modern problems,
including these of an economic, scientific or
political nature. They take Gülen literally as
God’s last and most perfect progenitor. This
means that when Gülen exhorts his followers to
do anything, they take it to mean a divine
edict.
Summary of Kemalism vs.
Gülenism
Kemalism ideology was based on a corporatist
ideology of progress and order. The main idea of
Kemalism came from Ziya Gokalp, the most
nationalistic thinker. Kemalism as an ideology
promoted the superiority of the Turkish nation
over all other nations. The main idea of
Gülenism came from Saidi Kurdi but has been
twisted because Saidi Kurdi was not advocating
any race’s superiority over another race but
rather Saidi Kurdi emphasized the general
welfare of all Muslims. Gülen believes that the
Turkish people are chosen people, God has
assigned them to this movement, and thus they
are the saviors of the world. He called them the
“golden generation,” claiming, “The world is to
be saved by that ‘golden’ generation who
represent the Divine Mercy from the entire
disasters intellectual, spiritual, social, and
political with which it has long been afflicted.
The world will come back through their efforts
to its ‘primordial’ pattern on which God created
it and be purified of all kinds of deviation and
ignorance so that people may rise to ‘the
highest of the high’ on the ladder of belief,
knowledge, and love supported against the
heavens by the Divine Message.”
Ataturk prevented religion from becoming a tool
for politics. He created a management of
religious affairs and put it under a state
institution, the Directorate of Religion
Affairs. The directorate privileged Sunni Islam,
leaving out non-Muslims and allowing the Sunni
Muslims to build a homogeneous nation state.
Gülenism is using religion for political Islam.
The main goal of Kemalism was to raise Turkey to
the level of contemporary civilization by
dismantling the institutions of the Ottoman
Empire and by building a nation state. Ataturk
abolished the Sultanate, the Caliphate, and
Shar’ia law; the establishment of the civil code
was the major moves that disestablished the
political and religious wings of the Empire.
Gülenists’ hegemony in Turkey is trying to bring
back the Ottoman Empire by using its tactics and
strategies. One of the most effective strategies
is using an organic model implanting their
intellectuals, media, schools, politicians,
foreign media, foreign, politicians, writers,
and journalists in the local and global society.
All other public manifestations, identities,
ideologies, worldviews and personalities that do
not conform to Gülenism and its vision are
demonized, vilified, or even criminalized. As
long as one loves Gülen and does not have
objections to him, but rather deeply respects
him and believes he makes no mistakes, he or she
is welcomed by Gülenists. Under the Kemalist
regime, non-Muslims, leftists, liberals, and
Kurds have always been discriminated against by
the Kemalists state whenever these identities
were manifested in public spheres. Using the
divide and rule policy, Gülen sets up people
against each other, playing the puppeteer.
Nowadays, trying to pit secular Kurds against
religious Kurds, he gives positions and a
certain degree of prestige and power to those
who serve the interests of Gülenists, but they
are never fully trusted. The most perfect and
the most trusted Turkish citizens are members of
Gülen’s community. The Gülenists have
infiltrated the Kurdish parties and use
surveillance to control other members of society
in order to ensure that they are under control
and do not do anything wrong against them. By
using this mechanism, the Gülenists make sure
they always employ the members of their
movement; members of the Gülen movement are
called Sakird. The organization makes sure all
Sakird placed in the sensitive state bureaucracy
or employed in some state department, judiciary,
or military are Gülen’s followers, so that
almost all bureaucrats are Gülenists’ Sakird.
When the Kurdish people protested against a
religious directorate and read the Friday
sermons in Kurdish, the Gulenists slandered the
Kurdish imams calling them a cult. There is
another reason for Gülen’s recent decree to kill
all the Kurdish guerrillas in Turkey and that is
because the Kurds who support the PKK’s cause
are considered a threat to his ideology.
Therefore, he uses his media and all his power
to demonize the Kurdish PKK in the eyes of the
people. It is true that the PKK has done some
awful things, but the Turkish military, the
police, and the politicians in the past have
done horrific crimes as well. For Gülenists,
even purely religious issues are often given a
nationalist flavor. Gülenists’ solution to the
Kurdish issue is one nation, one state, one
motherland, one
flag. They believe that there are no inside
problems but that outside powers create discord
among the Kurds and Turks. They also think that
only about five hundred people recognize that
there is a Kurdish problem and that, if the
government eliminates those who create discord
or if his followers go to their houses and
villagers to recruit more Kurdish children and
indoctrinate them, then the Kurdish problem will
go way. Gülenists claim they have a democratic
system, but the core institutional definition of
democracy is that the people must have complete
freedom to worship privately or corporately;
they should also be able to publically advance
their values in civil society and sponsor
organizations and movements in political society
as long as the public advancement of these
beliefs does not impinge negatively on the
liberties of other citizens or violate democracy
and the law by coercion.
What Gülenists and their media are doing is
closing the Kurdish youth groups on campuses all
over the Turkey and opening Gülen’s lighthouses.
With their media they disseminate lies about
Kurds, or they recruit Kurdish politicians to be
their spokespersons. Gülen himself does not
believe there is a Kurdish issue, so how can he
solve the issue?
For those who advocate democracy, no man or
group of men is good enough to be trusted with
uncontrolled power over others. The higher the
pretensions of such power, the more dangerous
the rulers become to the subjects. Hence,
Gülenism, a system of theocracy, is the worst of
all governments. Even though Gulenists believe
that the Gülenism system of rule is effective to
keep social order and foster the notion of hard
work, education, interfaith dialogue and the
necessity of community to thrive, Gulenists have
a Calvinist perception of human nature and God.
Humans are conceived as naturally evil and could
only be encouraged to be good by constant
penitence as well as the surveillance of their
peers. Because every member of the community
keeps an eye on the other’s business, few dare
to break the rules of the community or show
anti-community behaviors. To the leaders of the
community who are in charge of ruling over
social, economic, civil and religious matters,
there seems to be no clear difference between
offenses and sins. There is no difference
between public and private matters, and the
followers of Gülen chose to be on the safe side
and obey all the rules. Where there are
non-followers in the community, they are not
considered trustworthy and so the community is
very cautious about those outsiders. Secrecy is
the Freedom of which tyrants dream. Turkey is
changing from rule by secular Kemalist dictators
to rule by Gülenist dictators. I am always
worried when I hear a majority of Gulenists say
that they only believe in the Quran, which
themselves cannot understand and read, listening
to another person (Gülen) explaining what they
should do.
Dr. Aland Mizell is with the University of
Mindanao School of Social Science, President of the
MCI and a regular contributor to the Kurdish Media.
You may reach the author via email at:
aland_mizell2@hotmail.com
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