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The Kurds' Opportunity: Sectarian tension
is already threatening to rend the post-American
Iraq
13.1.2012
By Ranj Alaaldin
— WSJ |
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Ranj Alaaldin is a
Middle East and North Africa political and security
risk analyst. He is a Senior Analyst at the Next
Century Foundation and is doing a doctorate on the
Shias of Iraq at the London School of Economics and
Political Science.
See Related Links
January 13, 2012
In the three weeks since the U.S. withdrew from
Iraq, the country has suffered terrorist attacks
among the worst it has seen in recent times. One
followed just days after the U.S. withdrawal on Dec.
18; another in Baghdad on Monday killed at least 11,
in a suicide attack similar to one just four days
earlier that killed 70.
The deterioration in security follows a political
crisis that engulfed the country and inflamed
existing sectarian tensions just hours after the
last U.S. convoy left last month. The crisis
revolves around an arrest warrant issued against
Vice President Tariq al-Hashemi, an important
representative of Iraq's Sunni community. The
warrant was issued by Prime Minister Nouri al-Maliki
on the basis of Mr. Hashemi's alleged complicity in
terrorism and death squads.
The vice president denies these charges and accuses
Mr. Maliki of concocting the allegations as part of
an attempt to increase the Shia hold on power. Mr.
Maliki is head of the Shia Islamic Dawa Party and
leads a Shia-dominated but vulnerable coalition
government. Unless a national conference proposed by
Kurdistan President Masoud Barzani takes place and
reconciles the differences between the warring
factions in Baghdad, the coalition is likely to
schism or fall apart completely.
Hence the Kurds, an important U.S. ally in Iraq,
have an opportunity to determine the country's fate
now that American troops have left it, and to help
the country avoid another Sunni-Shia sectarian war.
As well as being outsiders to the Arab conflict in
Baghdad, the Kurds have also given sanctuary to Mr.
Hashemi, who fled to the Kurdish north after the
warrant was issued against him.
The Kurds can exploit the divisions in Baghdad by
handing Mr. Hashemi over to Mr. Maliki in return for
vital concessions, or they can play nice and promote
a process of reconciliation. Neither option is
likely to resolve the underlying issues entirely,
but the opportunities presented by the crisis
exposes what are likely to be important dynamics in
Iraq after the U.S. military withdrawal.
Capitalizing on sectarian divisions in Baghdad is
tempting for the Kurds, abandoned in many ways by
President Obama. Iraq is still dominated by fiercely
anti-Kurdish sentiments and hostile neighbors keen
on limiting the Kurds' autonomy. Despite repeated
requests for viable, long-term protection,
Washington has given them nothing.
The U.S. acquiescence has emboldened Baghdad to
renege on a series of commitments that were made to
the Kurds in exchange for backing Mr. Maliki's
return to power in November 2010. Among these is
resolving a long-simmering dispute over the
constitutional status of historically Kurdish
territories. Oil-rich Kirkuk and other territories
in Diyala and Mosul provinces are yet to be
integrated within Kurdistan's boundaries, largely
because Baghdad is intent on restricting Kurdish
autonomy with the help of neighbors like Turkey.
The Kurds were also promised independence to sign
oil and gas contracts with foreign investors without
those investors being penalized by Baghdad. Kurds
argue that Baghdad's preferred model of doing
business with international oil companies is a
failed one because it fails to properly compensate
these companies for the risks they take in investing
in the country.
Kurds point toward the divergence in electricity
supplies across different parts of the country:
Kurdistan enjoys 24-hour supply almost all the time,
while Baghdad and the rest of Arab Iraq spend much
of each day cut off from power. The tide further
shifted in the Kurds' favor in November,www.ekurd.net
when Exxon was confirmed to have acquired interests
in Kurdistan, despite already having a contract in
the South and repeated threats from Baghdad that the
company's operations there would be suspended.
The Kurds needs Baghdad to fulfill these commitments
because the national government still controls the
national pipeline necessary to export oil
efficiently and effectively. It also has a military
presence in the disputed areas and controls a
national budget, 17% of which is constitutionally
guaranteed to the Kurds.
But now the tables are turned. With the Hashemi
affair, Kurds have a momentous opportunity and could
have everything for the taking. Mr. Hashemi, who
hails from the former Baath regime, is hardly a
Kurdish ally, and has outspoken ultra-nationalist
views toward the country's Kurdish and Shia
population. The task of feeding Mr. Hashemi to Mr.
Maliki is made even easier because Mr. Hashemi, a
member of the Iraqiyah bloc that won last year's
elections but failed to foster a majority to govern,
has little support from within his own bloc.
The incident has created a host of opportunities
across the political spectrum, but it also means
that the window of opportunity for the Kurds will
close precisely when others commit themselves to
exploiting the affair. Although the U.S. will oppose
any attempt to exploit these divisions, the Kurds
may feel that the time is nigh to do the pragmatic
thing to help guarantee their long-term political
and security interests.
Ranj Alaaldin is a Middle East and North Africa
political and security risk analyst. He is a Senior
Analyst at the Next Century Foundation and is doing
a doctorate on the Shias of Iraq at the London
School of Economics and Political Science. He visits
the MENA region regularly and has conducted
extensive fact-finding missions in Iraq and Libya.
He has written for the Guardian, Daily Telegraph,
Wall Street Journal, Foreign Policy magazine and
numerous other print and online publications.
Copyright ©, respective
author or news agency,
wsj.com
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expressed in this commentary are solely those of the
author
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