August 26, 2010
For decades, our subdued nation resisted foreign
occupation and domination. Immeasurable blood of
masses was shed for the sake of securing self-rule
and emancipation from repression. Our docile people
brooked every nature of barbarism, brutality, and
misery. Our children, youth, the old and women were
all alike mass-executed, gassed, hanged, and slain.
We all witnessed these tragedies with our own eyes
and are aware of our precedent history. The fruit of
all those sacrifices is the prevailing freedom now
being enjoyed by the citizens of Kurdistan.
Since 2003, the circumstances have radically
differed in most areas governed directly by the
Kurds. Some parts of Kurdistan have been liberated
and the public enjoy some level of freedom and
prosperity. As for Kirkuk and the disputed
territories, the overall living plight of the
Kurdish citizens has undergone further
deterioration. The destitution and affliction of
fellow-Kurdish citizens has burgeoned increasingly.
The general public complains about the lake of
security, widespread terrorism, and unequal economic
opportunities. Kurds dwelling in the above-cited
regions long aspire to join their compatriots in the
liberated and stable part of Kurdistan. They are
entitled to comparable rights, and equivalent degree
of autonomy as enjoyed by others settling in the
KRG-controlled realm. People’s hope to someday be
incorporated back into Kurdistan has been crushed,
and they continue to suspect their government’s
interest in the issue. The deliberate evasion of
central government to address their concerns is
fueling more anger and frustration.
Seven years has elapsed since the US-led liberation.
With encouragement from central government, the
relocated Arab residents are rapidly overpopulating
Kirkuk, Mosul and its surrounding regions, and
purchasing properties possessed by the Kurds in an
inconceivable rate. With its increasingly alarming
capacity, Iraqi military is mutely increasing its
mobilization of troops into the region to
consolidate its presence and hinder any probable
future takeover by the Kurds. Turkish military and
intelligence apparatus have established permanent
military bases without the approval of KRG and
central government. Albeit urged to depart,
apparently they plan to remain ad infinitum.
Americans have no appetite to ignite a fresh ethnic
civil war and would favor to protect the status quo
or cede the overseeing burden to a third party
delegation to cope with it. Some chauvinists and
rejectionists Arabs have gone to an extent that they
even view the constitution null and void. If
empowered, some elements of the governing Iraqi
unity government would reject and defy the
implementation of impending census in Kirkuk and
disputed areas as well as object to its annexation
into Kurdish Regional Government (KRG).
All these factors plainly indicate that the longer
the crisis of Kirkuk and disputed areas linger, the
harder the compromise and more complicated to seek a
realistic solution. In other words, the constitution
does not signify any assurances of Kurdish
territorial prerogatives over Kirkuk or any optimism
at all. The constitution can simply be reversed,
amended and negated at any give time; therefore,
hinging on it to be honored is a wrong assumption.
The dilemma of Kirkuk and disputed regions is an
internal Kurdish concern. Pivoting on US forces to
shore us up in reclaiming Kirkuk back is a flawed
conception, specifically now that the figure of US
service personnel has plummeted to roughly 56,000
troops, only playing the advise-and-assist role.
From now on, the US will seek to pursue its own
agenda in the region, consisting of: containing the
Iraqi energy market, strengthening its clout in the
Middle East and planning for confrontation with
Iran, or contending with Syria and hostile groups
and regimes to the US interests. United States war
record establishes that wherever the US set off to
war, it maintained its military presence in that
country afterward. Pentagon officials will most
probably consider Kurdistan for such a plan.
Therefore, the US won’t bear adequate time for
Kirkuk impasse.
The malicious plans and intents of the national,
regional and international powers relating to the
last-ditch deferment and non-implementation of the
constitutional accords are very lucid. Kirkuk
dispute has calculatedly been put on hold. None of
the relevant actors appear willing to actively
participate in the process when the time draws
closer.
In case of a war flare-up between Tehran and
Tel-Aviv-Washington, Kurdistan will not be immune
from its impacts in its entirety. Turkey will likely
seize the prospect to militarily intervene. Arab
states will be involuntarily dragged in, most likely
siding with their Arabs counterparts, hence making
the return of Kirkuk even more convoluted. If the
issue can not be resolved in peace time, nor can it
be at some stage in war.
Our Pehmarga forces are mindful of their
responsibilities and overall public expectations.
The responsibility of providing protection to
Kurdish citizens, preserving the territorial
integrity of Kurdistan, defusing enemy plots against
the homeland, ensuring that Kirkuk and the disputed
regions are by no means excluded from Kurdistan
Regional Government geography are of the highest
priority. Time is of the essence and all scenarios
and predictions should be allowed for.
The nation firmly believes in the capability,
nationalism and patriotism of our armed forces. The
general public would like to perceive the urgent
merger of all Kurdish Peshmarga forces and the
formation of an integrated military exclusive of any
form of regional,www.ekurd.netfactional
and tribal intolerance at the earliest. The issue of
Kirkuk should be handled militarily. Therefore, we
presume Kurdish military forces should bear the
burden of insuring Kirkuk’s inclusion into KRG. We
hope KRG will apportion a proclaimed budget for
defense purpose per annual and our armed forces will
be allowed to function without bipartisan influence.
Following are a set of propositions for assessment
regarding Kirkuk:
1) Entice general public to pour into streets and
hold non-violent protest rallies. This will help
draw the world attention to Kirkuk crisis, and
stress the importance of implementing Kirkuk-related
articles of the constitution in a more serious and
accelerated fashion.
2) Offer all Turkish troops an ultimatum to depart
Kurdish-peopled areas without more ado.
3) Establish more financial institutions, NGOs,
educational centers, private and government
organizations in Kirkuk.
4) Shift some of the reconstruction and
infrastructure projects into Kirkuk. Pay the same
level of interest and attention to Kirkuk, as paid
to Duhok, Sulimania and Hawler governorates. This
will assist rectify the depopulation issue and
thwart mass rural influx from Kirkuk and
underprivileged disputed areas into other major
Kurdish cities.
5) Deploy extra Kurdish troops into the region in
thousands in case if the census and article 140 is
dishonored for some reasons. Dispatching Kurdish
troops will help contain the state of affairs,
hamper any possible destruction or looting, and
insure safety of Kurdish citizens in case of an
ethnic war erupting.
6) Provide training, intelligence and arms to
Kurdish Peshmarga forces beyond the border lines of
South Kurdistan.
7) Establish recruiting and training military
institutes in Kirkuk similar to the ones operating
in Zakho, Sulimania, etc. Increase cooperation and
coordination with other Kurdish armed groups. Expand
the size of Kurdish military in South Kurdistan by
enlisting service members from any part of
Kurdistan.
8) Shift and encourage foreign investments and
reconstruction into the region.
9) Replicate and open up a branch of every key
government institution in Kirkuk. Directly fund it
from some offset KRG budget. KRG should resume
census through out Kurdistan independently from the
central government.
10) Create more employment opportunities by setting
up more firms, factories, businesses.
11) Offer loans to Kurdish citizens in Kirkuk to
launch small business projects.
12) Kurdish government representatives ( president,
premier, parliamentarians) to pay more official
visits to Kirkuk, especially both presidents.
13) Kurdish press, media and intellectuals to more
touch upon the topic of Kirkuk in national TV’s and
publish more articles, essays in this regards.
14) Run and fund more magazines, daily newspapers
and periodicals in Kurdish languages. Augment
Kurdish curriculum and language instruction at every
level.
15) Appoint and allocate a higher number of key
government posts to the members of minority groups
both in KRG and in Kirkuk. Turkmen, Izadies,
Christians should be permitted to run their own
affairs. Minority groups should reserve equal or
higher rights than ordinary Kurdish citizens. More
churches, synagogues, temples, Izadi worship sites
should be encouraged to be reconstructed through out
Kurdistan.
16) Increase the ratio of administrative and
political representation of members of minority
groups, and raise their number of seats in Kurdistan
parliament.
17) Promote more Kurdish resettlement into Kirkuk by
offering more material compensation.
18) Preserve the Kurdish historical sites and
cultural heritage in Kirkuk.
19) Set up key government bureaus in assorted cities
in order to promote more social interchanges and
associations.
20) Encourage religious leaders to preach more unity
and Kurdish nationalism.
Baqi Barzani is a
Kurdish citizen of Sought Kurdistan [Iraq]. He
advocates the notion of " establishing an
independent Kurdish state". He contributes to
various Kurdish media outlets, especially ekurd.net.
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