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The sorry state of Iraqi politics
25.11.2009
By Ranj Alaaldin |
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November
25, 2009
As political squabbling looks set
to delay January's poll again, Iraqis will start to
ask whether more sinister plots lie behind this
fiasco
Iraq's long-debated new election law that was for
months deliberated upon, delayed and then finally
passed two weeks ago was hailed at the time as a
monumental moment. Its approval by parliament was
seen as critical for stability and the withdrawal of
US troops.
But not so fast. Just days after its passing, the
law was brought back to the drawing board after
Iraqi vice-president Tariq al-Hashimi used his veto.
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Ranj Alaaldin |
Hashimi, one of three members of Iraq's presidency
council with the right to veto bills, wanted more
parliamentary seats for Iraqis who have left the
country. The law originally guaranteed 5% of seats
devoted to them but Hashimi wanted 15%.
Yesterday, parliament convened again and the law was
amended and passed so that exiled Iraqis will be
treated like their domestic counterparts and will,
instead of having seats reserved for them, have
their votes counted in their home province.
Parliamentary seats will be allotted in accordance
with the 2005 trade ministry population statistics
(used in that year's national elections), plus 2.8%
annual growth.
The law in its earlier form used the 2009, not 2005,
trade ministry figures for the purposes of allotting
seats, but the figures showed a peculiarly
disproportionate population increase in
Arab-dominated areas and little or no increases in
Kurdish ones. It was thus met with opposition by the
Kurdistan regional government (KRG), which
threatened to boycott the elections in response.
The concerns were not misplaced. Without a credible
census in Iraq it is hard to accept the trade
ministry figures at face value. Iraq was supposed to
have a census back in October but,www.ekurd.netlike
all things in the country, it has been postponed.
This is not, in any case, just a KRG or Kurdish
concern. The move by parliament was a progressive
and equitable one overall that had the support of
the vast majority of Kurds and Shias.
However, the newly approved mechanism for allocating
seats means that Sunni-dominated areas will have
fewer seats than they originally did, particularly
in areas such as Ninewa, which continues to be a
seat of Arab-Kurd tensions. The Kurds will have more
seats, while Shia-dominated areas will be less
represented, though they will still constitute the
majority of seats.
Sunni MPs walked out in protest. Hashimi will be
under even greater pressure than before to use his
power of veto. Should he take this course, then
parliament can override it in the event it can
muster a three-fifths majority.
Pressing ahead despite the protests from
parliament's Sunni Arabs, who are not looking too
good in front of their followers, could taint the
elections, depending on what action they take in
response. It is unlikely that they will be reckless
enough to make the same mistake twice by boycotting
the elections (though Hashimi did take part in the
2005 elections despite the nationwide boycott by his
fellow Sunni Arabs – a move seen by many as
reflecting a desire for power and opportunism).
What these developments highlight is the sheer
incompetence of some of Iraq's politicians. Figures
relating to the distribution of seats, at the heart
of it all, were available and could have been
consulted during parliamentary sessions long before
the law was passed. Iraqis will now start
questioning whether more sinister plots are behind
the electoral fiasco – and who could blame them?
It is now unlikely elections will go ahead in
January, but this does not seem to be bothering
Iraq's politicians much. Still, while deliberating
over the election law they did achieve one result:
the passing of a new law that grants them a
substantial salary increase and lavish perks.
Copyright, respective
author or news agency,
guardian co.uk
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