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South of Kurdistan: political earthquake
will change political map Part IV
27.10.2009
By Mufid Abdulla
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October 27, 2009
Part IV: ‘The Turning
Point….’
The entire situation in the south of Kurdistan, at
present, reflects a true spirit of pioneering. This
is not only due to the work of one leader or other
individuals, but also to the cumulative hard work of
all the people striving towards democracy, including
local Kurdish newspapers and all brave writers and
journalists. Election day on 25 July, 2009 was the
day for which we had waited for so many long years;
the day on which the democratic struggle against the
two ruling parties was truly born.
My main concerns, as usual, were focused on fraud
and the rigging of ballot boxes, not to mention the
risk of violence and mayhem at the polls, as was the
case in Erbil (Kurdish: Hewler). I was excited and
apprehensive. I wanted to demonstrate my solidarity
with those who, for so long, had been
disenfranchised. It was a poignant moment for
democratic forces, including Gorran (The Change
Movement), to see these changes happening in the
cities, towns and countryside of Kurdistan. Under
the Kurdistan Regional Government, the two ruling
parties, the KDP and PUK, had achieved a monopoly on
political power, giving KRG access to all the
parties’ followers by vicious and immoral means.
Erbil was quiet on the days I had regular contact
with Gorran leaders, and some of the aides of KRG
Prime Minister Nechirvan Barzani.
In Sulaimaniyah, the majority of people turned out
to register their votes. In Erbil, fewer people
voted, due to the fear of being threatened or
harassed by the security forces, if it were
discovered that they were voting for Gorran.
After 4pm, the news was announced that Gorran was
the winner in the Sulaimaniyah region; perhaps why
people adorned in Kurdish clothes and ready for
celebration appeared on the Kurdish TV station
managed by Gorran. At the same time, up-to-date news
was delivered to me personally, from high-level KDP
insiders and on the basis of anonymity, confirming
that the KDP had not done well in the election and
that it was “not their night”.
Each polling station had a member of Gorran present
to supervise proceedings. The news of systematic
fraud and ballot rigging spread all over the south
of Kurdistan, and Gorran lodged almost 500
complaints to IHEC.
On 25 July, I had an appointment to see Dr. Kamal
Mudhir (Kurdish historian) at the Sheraton Hotel. He
was accompanied by an Iraqi guest, Dr. Hetham Zahawi,
a diplomat from the Iraqi embassy in Turkey, who was
also an election observer. Dr. Zahawi told Dr.
Mudhir that he had been in Sulaimaniyah until
3:30pm, and that all the people there had voted for
Gorran. Dr. Kamal did not believe him, and
questioned the claim on the basis that he “did not
think that would be the case”. I must say, I was
surprised, myself.
In Zakho and Duhok, the two areas which the KDP has
absolute control over, ballots were filled out for
people who had stayed at home or had died after
2005, but whose names still appeared on the
electoral register.
On 26 July, 2009, the leader of Gorran, Nawshirwan
Mustafa, issued a statement about the situation,
sending copies to the UN, all foreign embassies and
the European Community.
Contrary to the statements by the PUK in
Sulaimaniyah that Gorran would not be able to win a
single district, Gorran won 51% of the votes in the
Sulaimaniyah area, with Gorran coming out 54,000
votes ahead of the Kurdistan List (PUK & KDP). In
that way, Gorran dealt the heaviest blow yet to the
PUK in Sulaimaniyah and the surrounding area. Gorran
proved that Talabani had been defeated, the PUK
reign was over, and that the masses were allied with
Gorran. In Sulaimaniyah,www.ekurd.netGorran
had 174,824 votes; the Kurdistani List had 120,765
and the Reformist List, which included four parties,
had 54,473 votes. As a result, Gorran rescued the
Sulaimaniyah area from Talabani domination. The
Talabani wing, including his coalition with the KDP,
could not win 36% of the votes. Surely that was the
darkest day for Barham Salih, after holding so many
political rallies and meetings throughout the many
districts of Sulaimaniyah.
Overall, in the city of Sulaimaniyah, Gorran took
43% of the votes, against the 37% for the Kurdistani
List; almost a 30,000 vote difference. The Islamic
Union and other affiliated groups lost many votes
compared to the 2005 election, due to the presence
of alternative forces in the area. This was a big
defeat for them as well. In the Sharazoor area,
Gorran had 30,000 votes and the Kurdistani list had
35,000 votes. In Garmyan, Gorran emerged as the
winner, by a difference of 15,000. In the valley of
Ranya and Peshdar, votes totalled 46,613 for Gorran
and 45,063 for the Kurdistani List. In the
Chamchamal area, the Kurdistani List gained 17,473
votes and Gorran gained 13,878 votes. In the Dukhan
area, the winner was Gorran.
In Erbil, all of us expected some surprises. In the
end, there certainly were some surprises, with 25%
of the votes cast for Gorran, totalling
approximately 124,000 votes. In 2005, the PUK alone
had 37% of the votes in Erbil, but in this election,
Gorran had 25%. On the other hand, the Kurdistani
List in this year’s election had 64% compared to
only 53% of the votes in 2005.
In the Duhok area, as expected, the Kurdistani List
had the majority, with 75%, but the Reformist List
gained 19%, which totalled 42,000. Vote totals for
Gorran in Duhok were not as we expected, because
they managed to collect only 18,000 votes in that
area.
In this way, the Kurdistani List managed to win the
election, but the PUK still suffered the most
devastating defeat in their history. Understandably,
results of this kind had immediate effects on the
PUK political structure. Politically, the PUK own
certain areas. However, the election highlighted
that for the people who occupy those areas,
solidarity is now with the Gorran movement. As a
result, this election signifies not the end of
Nawshirwan Mustafa’s political activities, but
instead, the start of new ones, which are clearly
flourishing. We can therefore conclude that the
forces of Gorran have had a fantastic influence,
having lowered PUK’s political ranking to that of
third,www.ekurd.netbeneath
Gorran. PUK leaders are now unsure about their
future in the political equation and in terms of the
political landscape. There is now a remote
possibility that Gorran will become allied with the
KDP. PUK leaders have lost their grip on their areas
of control; for example, Mala Baktyar has lost
control over Garmyan and Fouad Massoum has lost
control over the cities of Ranya and Koya (aka Koy
Sinjaq).
The KDP have managed to protect their dominance in a
majority of the areas under their control. However,
history has now recorded that the widespread fraud
and ballot rigging by the KDP apparatus on the
afternoon of 25 July, with the eyes of the whole
world on them, including the embassies of 11
European countries and so many international
observers. Again, the KDP has shown its true colours.
Despite the fact that, when compared to the KDP, PUK
engaged in fewer acts of fraud and ballot rigging,
they simply could not stand up to the heavy
competition from and subsequent defeat by Gorran.
Gorran has managed to create an earthquake, and has
dealt heavy blows to all of its political rivals.
The PUK has witnessed the most difficult challenge
it has ever faced, even though they chose the
strongest possible candidate for this election,
Barham Salih.
Nawshirwan Mustafa and the Gorran leadership were
able to win 25 seats in the 25 July election, out of
the 111 total seats in the Kurdistan Parliament. In
so doing, I do believe that Nawshirwan Mustafa, a
most adventurous person, has managed to rock the
Barzani boat!
Profile of Nawshirwan
Mustafa
Nawshirwan Mustafa was born in 1944, and from an
early age, was an active member of the Kurdistan
Democratic Party. In 1964, the KDP split into two
wings; the Talabani and Ibrahim Ahmed wing, which
represented urban and intellectual people, and the
Mulla Mustafa Barzani wing, which represented the
Kurdish countryside and tribal groups and their
leaders, including Dr. Mahmood, Sami Abdulrahman and
the Barzani sons, Idris and Masoud. Nawshirwan
Mustafa sided with Talabani and the Ibrahim Ahmed
wing.
Nawshirwan Mustafa’s ideology these days has been
influenced by Talabani and Ibrahim Ahmed, who have
historically been advocates of Maoist principles. In
1967, Nawshirwan Mustafa first published Rizgari
Magazine, which was the most powerful literature at
that time dealing with the Kurdish nationalist
movement through leftist ideas. In that way, the
most powerful group adjoined themselves in 1970 to
the Toiler League of Kurdistan.
After the pact of 11 March 1970, in which the Iraqi
government promised Barzani autonomous self-rule
within four years, Nawshirwan Mustafa left Iraq for
Vienna to obtain his Masters degree in politics.
While he was busy preparing for his PhD studies and
following the collapse of the Kurdish rebellion by
Mulla Mustafa in 1975, he was contacted by Talabani,
who suggested he organise and construct the
Patriotic Union of Kurdistan.
Nawshirwan Mustafa accepted Talabani’s proposal,
leaving Vienna to become one of the very first
founders of the PUK. Within the PUK, he led the
League of Kurdistan Toilers, who advocated
Marxist-Leninist principles. At the first PUK
conference in 1991, the League was dissolved.
Following this, Mustafa admitted on several
occasions that he bore ultimate responsibility for
that decision. He did not consider any involvement
in the subsequent civil war, as he resided outside
of Kurdistan from 1994 to 1998, during which time he
focused on the writing and completion of his memoirs
and diaries.
Nawshirwan Mustafa has a strong personality and
qualities not possessed by other leaders, such us an
academic background, away from all types of
corruption. He is well known in politics for his
straightforward attitude with his friends, and his
humble personality. Most of the time, he surrounds
himself with ordinary people, even wearing very
simple clothes such as the Kurdish salwar kameez.
His enemies are constantly trying to embroil him in
the civil war and in-fighting between the Kurdish
groups and parties. However, the people love him for
his strong ideas and admirable behaviour.
Nawshirwan Mustafa has not held any post within the
KRG preceding or succeeding the reunification of the
combined PUK and KDP administration. In his absence
and without his influence, the Toiler League of
Kurdistan has grown and has sacrificed many of their
leaders and members in Kurdistan, including Shaswar
Jalal, who was ambushed by Iraqi security offices in
the Kharadage area in December of 1979. In the early
days, the PUK was set up as a national coalition for
liberating the south of Kurdistan. The coalition was
comprised of conservative, nationalist and Marxist
groups. Nawshirwan Mustafa’s support for
Marxist-Leninist principles have faded since his
time spent abroad.
Finally, I would like to emphasise that Gorran has
emerged from the will and ideas of the people, but
it has been led by the courageous leader, Nawshirwan
Mustafa. Gorran has managed to break through the
very old, impenetrable gate of the two leading
parties, not through the creation of chaos and
mayhem, but instead, by creating an environment
which is supporting democracy and the power of the
masses. Gorran has not parted from the PUK, but
instead, is a people’s political movement.
The corrupt Barzani administration in Hawler will
never be able to contain the corruption. The whole
election affair has drawn attention to the murky
dealings between Talabani and Barzani as part of a
concerted effort to halt the spread of and destroy
Gorran, which they failed to do. Gorran has a
long-term purpose- to achieve democratic reform
through the power of the people and parliament.
Gorran has not had any weapons in their possession,
only books, pens, television, newspapers, etc.
Gorran strives, not to tell stories that are
unrealistic, but to tell stories that are believable
and portray what will work rather than what should
work.
Our president is Barzani, our Prime Minister is
Barzani, our homeland security is Barzani …they are
77 Bonapartes, ruling the whole of Kurdistan. This
is the beginning of the end of tribal rule in the
south of Kurdistan, and this process of change will
continue.
Copyright © 2009 ekurd.net, Mufid Abdulla.
All rights reserved
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