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April 9, 2003, the day of liberation, heralded a new
era in the history of Iraq and the region. That day
triggered a sequence of events that laid the
foundation of a modern Iraq that is at peace with
itself and the world.
All segments of Iraqi society have benefited from
liberation. Under Saddam Hussein, the majority of
the Sunni Arabs of Iraq were marginalized, Saddam
and his gang were ruling in the name of this
community. But in reality, the Sunni Arabs never had
the chance to choose their representatives
democratically and have a say about their future.
Today, they have 58 deputies in Parliament, a vice
president, a deputy prime minister and a speaker of
Parliament; all were elected by the people of Iraq.
The Shia majority of Iraq was for decades oppressed
and discriminated against. They did not even have
the right to practice their religious ceremonies.
Now, they are equal citizens and hold key posts in
government and parliament through their
democratically elected representatives. Kurds were
second-class citizens. They suffered from genocide
and chemical bombardment; now they are equal members
of Iraqi society and active participants in the
running of their country, Iraq. The same applies to
the Turkomens, Assyrians and other groups of Iraqi
society.
Iraq finally has an elected and representative
government, a huge contrast to the authority of a
vicious tyrant.
In other words, Iraq is no longer the property of a
gang that ruled by fear and repression. Every Iraqi
today feels they have a stake in the new Iraq.
With the regime of Saddam gone, the countries of the
Middle East no longer worry about the threat of new
adventures by Saddam and his army across Iraq's
international borders.
Every time that I visit the United States, I am
convinced anew of the virtues and health of the
American idea of government, and of the generosity
of its people.
I was here around the same time last year. Here is
what has happened between then and now, although I
must say that I do not think that our situation can
be understood simply by following the latest news. A
much broader view of Iraq must be taken. For this, I
will start with the economy.
The economic conditions for most Iraqis have
improved. The economy was liberated from the control
of the state and we are now taking the first steps
in creating a vibrant private sector.
Thanks to our independent businesspeople, our market
places are bustling despite the unsettled security
situation. A new investment law is before our
Parliament. It will further invigorate our private
sector, streamline the procedures for starting a new
business, and open the country to greater foreign
participation and investment.
Salaries of government employees were raised 100
times or more. A policeman under Saddam received $2
to $3 dollars a month. Now a policeman is paid at
least $200 a month.
The financial and economic boom is mostly noticed in
the safer parts of Iraq. The city of Sulaymaniyah in
Iraqi Kurdistan region now has more than 2,000
millionaires. Before liberation, the city had 12.
Politically, we had an eventful year. For the first
time in Iraq's history, we ratified a constitution
that enshrines many of the democratic values of
human rights, equality, rule of law and good
government. After three historic ballots that remain
landmarks in the history of the Middle East, we now
have a government that arises out of the people,
instead of over the people, to use the words of a
great American patriot, Thomas Paine.
Unlike the previous election, last December more
people voted - 10.5 million - and a more
representative parliament and a national unity
government are now in place.
Taking part in the national election and referendum
on the constitution were the first steps in our
national reconciliation efforts; we opted for the
ballots and not the bullets to resolve our
differences.
We consolidated this by the National Reconciliation
Plan of Prime Minister Nouri al-Maliki. The plan
aims at bringing into the political process all
elements of the Iraqi political spectrum that
condemn terror and violence.
In the period between the election and the formation
of the national unity government, the political
blocs - which formed the government later - agreed
on the political program for the government and
agreed on forming the Political Council for National
Security.
An important event that marked the new Iraq over the
past year is the trial of Saddam Hussein and his
aides for the crimes that were committed against the
people of Iraq.
We offered him the justice that he denied Iraqis for
decades. The trials, the testimonies of the
witnesses and those of the defendants are stark
reminders and indications of what Iraq was like in
the past and what the new Iraq is about.
Through the constitution and other legal means, we
are redefining the foundations that Iraq was built
on and are rebuilding what the country's bloody past
has destroyed. We have no choice but to succeed. Our
enemy attempts to destroy and disrupt any part of
the political process, not because they disagree
with the tenets of the Iraqi constitution, but
because they do not want a constitution. This
contingent of international terrorists and the
supporters and beneficiaries of the old regime - the
devotees of Saddam Hussein - constitute the driving
force of our enemy.
They attempt to turn Iraqis against each other, and
take Iraq back to its brutal and bloody past.
Their tactics of suicide bombings and beheadings
make it obvious that they mean to govern by inciting
terror and fear, just as Saddam did. Although
portions of Iraq are already safe and secure,
certain parts are still coming under attack from the
vicious, bloodthirsty enemy. With the support of the
citizens of Baghdad, the government started its
Baghdad Security Plan. This plan is already showing
signs of success, with a marked drop in the reported
incidents of violence over the last month.
The battle in Iraq today is not between the various
communities. Their elected representatives have
agreed on a government of national unity and on
national reconciliation. Nor is it a battle between
civilizations, as some have seen it.
It is a war "about civilization" as Prime Minister
Tony Blair has phrased it so well - the conflict is
between those who believe in having a civilization
and those who don't believe in having one at all. As
you no doubt already understand, we are fighting a
terribly difficult war in Iraq. We are doing
everything within our power to protect our people
from this clear form of fascism that seduces them
into civil war.
The calculated crime of Abu Musab al-Zarqawi and his
henchmen in bombing the Shrine of Samarra, one of
Iraq's religious and cultural treasures, is a prime
example of their agenda. They wanted to slide the
country into civil war.
Thanks to the presence of the U.S. forces in Iraq
and the wisdom of my colleagues in the leadership of
Iraq, that plan was thwarted and the short spate of
violence was contained.
I want to be frank here. In order to rid Iraq of the
constant threat of violence, we still need your
help. As long as we are determent to outlast and
outsmart our enemy, we shall reach our common goals.
Iraq is slowly gaining the ability to fight this war
with its own soldiers, evidenced recently by the
relinquishing of complete control of coalition
forces to the Iraqi government. The coalition now
employs more soldiers from Iraq than any other
nation.
Slowly but surely, Iraq will be able to protect
itself on its own. The stakes of Iraq are enormous,
world-shifting even. This is why our country should
be a point of concern for every democratic country
of the world.
I can assure you that the immediate departure of
coalition forces would only unleash tensions between
different communities; the prospect of a safe Iraq
would be completely lost; and the previous
descriptions of a civil war would seem insufficient
and tame compared to the bloodshed of an Iraq that
loses its international support. And although I
cannot promise when or how the American presence
will completely end in Iraq, I can promise that
American soldiers do not fight in vain.
We in Iraq recognize that an incredible amount of
American resources have been offered to us. And we
understand that many Americans are frustrated with
the course of the war, and we understand that doubt
naturally coincides with difficulty.
I realize that many Americans were apprehensive
about the decision to go to war.
But I ask that you put this behind you in favor of
supporting a democratic and free Iraq, and a future
for Iraqis that excludes the threat of violence and
extremism.
I ask that you consider what the terms of failure in
Iraq would actually look like, and what they would
mean for Iraq, the United States and the
international community.
I would venture to say that the interest of Iraq and
the United States are one in this matter.
The United States carries a heavy responsibility in
helping us. As complicated as the relationship may
be, America and Iraq are now siblings in the world.
sacbee com
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