The parliament
of Iraq's Kurdish region unanimously approved the 42-member cabinet
of the Kurdish region government on May 7, installing the first
post-Saddam Hussein unified Kurdish administration. While
reunification has been hailed as a step forward for the region's two
major parties -- the Kurdistan Democratic Party (KDP) and the
Patriotic Union of Kurdistan (PUK), which fought a bitter civil war
in the 1990s -- the new government faces tough demands from its
electorate.
PRAGUE, May 12, 2006 (RFE/RL)---
Iraqi Kurds have become increasingly vocal in their demands in
recent months for free speech and press rights, greater
administrative transparency, and an end to corruption. They have
also called on the KDP, led by Mas'ud Barzani, and the PUK, led by
Iraqi President Jalal Talabani, to allow for greater political
pluralism.
Facing Some Daunting Tasks
The new government's response to such issues will demonstrate
whether the Kurdish autonomous region is, as its leaders bill it, an
model of democracy and stability for the rest of Iraq to emulate or,
as its detractors claim, a region whose two main parties have
entrenched their hold on power.
One of the most urgent issues facing the unified government is the
demand for free speech and press, particularly following a crackdown
by both parties on demonstrators, intellectuals, and journalists
over the past seven months. Kurdish intellectual Kamal Sayyid Qadir,
who holds Austrian citizenship, was jailed by the KDP last year for
articles he wrote criticizing Kurdish Region President Mas'ud
Barzani's administration. He was sentenced in December to 30 years
in prison for "defamation of the Kurdish leadership."
That sentence was thrown out and Qadir was sentenced at a new trial
in March to 18 months in prison. One week later, regional Prime
Minister Nechirvan Barzani pardoned Qadir. It is unlikely however,
that Qadir would have received a retrial, let alone a pardon, had
there not been intense publicity surrounding his case. For their
part, Kurdish officials claimed that they were required to arrest
Qadir according to an outdated Iraqi law, which they vowed to amend.
The Halabjah Case
Qadir's case is just one of a number of cases brought against
writers and journalists this year. In addition, several journalists
said they were beaten, arrested, and had their equipment confiscated
on March 16 following a government crackdown on demonstrators who
violently interrupted a ceremony marking the 18th anniversary of the
Hussein regime's chemical attack on the Kurdish town of Halabjah.
Journalists caught up in the melee reported being beaten by both
security forces and demonstrators. Those working for independent
Kurdish media outlets said security forces destroyed or confiscated
their cameras and video recorders. The journalists claimed no
similar action was taken against party-owned media, implying that
the PUK and KDP would prevent their own press from broadcasting
footage of the incident.
Other journalists said their equipment and film were confiscated at
checkpoints outside the town.
A day after the Halabjah incident, PUK security forces arrested
Hawez Hawezi, a high-school teacher and journalist working for
"Hawlati," on charges that his writings had criticized the two
parties. Citing corruption and cronyism within both administrations,
Hawezi called on officials to step down in a March 15 article in
"Hawlati."
Defamation Problems
The New York-based Committee to Protect Journalists said in a March
22 press release that Hawezi was released on bail on March 19 after
appearing before an investigating judge.
"The judge told the journalist he faced unspecified defamation
charges," the organization reported.
Hawezi was rearrested in late April after publicly complaining of
his treatment while in detention, Reuters reported on May 2.
Asos Hardi, the former editor in chief of "Hawlati," and the
weekly's current editor in chief, Twana Osman, were given six-month
suspended sentences and fined 75,000 dinars ($50) on May 2 for
defaming then-PUK Prime Minister Omar Fatah. The two were charged
after the newspaper reported that Fatah ordered two
telephone-company workers fired for cutting his home phone line. The
court determined that the regional communications minister, not the
governor, had ordered the two workers fired.
"Hawlati" Managing Editor Peshwaz Faizulla told the Committee to
Protect Journalists that both editors were forced to sign a
statement saying that they would not commit defamation again, the
organization reported on May 2.
According to some reports, a bill is under discussion by the
Kurdistan legislature that would restrict freedom of press even
further.
Critics of the KDP and PUK have said they expect little to change as
long as opposition to the parties remains weak. Apart from the
growing criticism of the few independent media outlets that exist in
the region, there has been little organized opposition.
Including Minority Parties
One exception is the Kurdistan Islamic Union, which withdrew from
the Kurdistan Coalition ahead of December's legislative elections,
citing dominance of the KDP and PUK over Kurdish region politics, as
well as corruption in the Kurdish Regional Government. The union was
subsequently attacked in seven Kurdish towns by what the authorities
deemed a "mob of youths." The union, meanwhile, contended that the
KDP had orchestrated the attacks. Despite the attacks, the party
walked away with five seats in the 275-seat Iraqi National Assembly,
and in January vowed to cooperate with the KDP and PUK to promote
Kurdish interests.
Leaders from minority parties criticized the KDP and PUK in January
of planning to divide ministerial posts between the two sides,
claiming the parties had an agreement in place to solidify their
control over the Kurdish region. In the end, seven of the 42
ministers named were from minority parties. However, only two of the
seven were given portfolios.
When parliament convened last week to hold a vote of confidence in
the cabinet, lawmakers were asked to vote in open session for the
cabinet. Although 52 parliamentarians objected, calling for vote by
secret ballot, their request was denied, "Jamawar" reported on May
8. The newspaper also criticized the parties for appointing only
three female ministers.
Transparent?
"Jamawar" further reported that the names of the ministers were not
announced prior to the vote of confidence being taken.
Parliamentarian Tavgah Muhammad Ali claimed that only a "few
members" of the parliament had seen the list of ministers. Moreover,
the ministers' qualifications were not made public, Ali claimed.
"This government is the result of a political consensus," he said.
"It is not a government whose ministers have been selected on a
technocratic basis."
In addition to overcoming the demands of an increasingly frustrated
electorate, the KDP and PUK face the additional challenge of merging
four other ministries: Justice, Peshmerga Affairs, Interior, and
Finance. Before this can be accomplished, the two parties will need
to overcome the distrust that has plagued relations for more than a
decade
Kurdish region legislator Karim Bahri told RFE/RL's Radio Free Iraq
(RFI) on May 8 that the assembly's Legislative Committee is drafting
legislation that would clear the way for those ministries to merge.
In reality, it could be years before they are united.
"It is natural that technical and legal complications occur, in
addition to other issues that have still to be resolved between the
[Irbil and Al-Sulaymaniyah] administrations [of the KDP and PUK],"
Bahri said. "It will need some more time before we are able to unify
these four ministries -- to form the legal, technical, and
organizational aspects."
He added that it would be two or three months before the other
ministries begin functioning.
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