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According to Talabani, Iraq needs to form
representative regional governments encompassing
more than one province. "The country cannot again be
ruled by a centralized authority," he says. The
Iraqi people have an inherent fear of a
centralization of power, and a general mistrust of
those outside their own communities.
Talabani points to his native region, Kurdistan –
from which he serves as a representative to the
United States – as an example of how this idea might
be implemented.
"Iraqi Kurdistan [comprised of six provinces] has
its own regional government, its own parliament," he
says. "Other parts of the country are looking at
forming similar regions so they can govern
themselves with as much autonomy as possible over
their own affairs, thus reducing the powers of the
central government. By reducing such powers, you
will reduce the different communities’ insecurities
because of the mistrust that exists today."
He adds, "At the moment, Baghdad is the prize and
everybody is fighting over it. We need to reduce the
relevance of that prize so that we reduce the level
of tension throughout Iraq."
SADDAM’S LEGACY
The mistrust and tension, Talabani says, is a part
of Saddam Hussein’s legacy, pitting one community
against the other, as well as instilling fear from
cruelties committed by the former regime against all
segments of the population.
"My own region, Kurdistan, was decimated by Saddam,"
Talabani says. "He destroyed about 4,000 villages,
killed about 200,000 people, and used chemical and
biological weapons in over 250 incidences –
primarily against civilians."
Prior to the 2003 invasion of Iraq, most Kurds
believed themselves to be the only victims of
Saddam’s brutality. "But when the regime fell, we
realized that Iraqi Arabs were also victims,"
Talabani says. "We recovered hundreds-of-thousands
of bodies in mass graves across the country, many of
which were dedicated to children three to
six-years-old. Most had been experimented on by the
regime. I cannot describe the carnage and brutality
in a way that you would be able to comprehend just
how bad it really was."
OFT SKIRTED NEWS
Despite problems stemming from fear and mistrust,
Talabani is quick to point out the ongoing, and
too-often underreported, positive developments in
Iraq.
"Of the 18 different governorates [provinces] –
similar to the states you have here in the U.S. – 13
or 14 of them are relatively calm and stable," he
says. "People are going about their daily lives and
trying to rebuild the country."
Additionally, the military and police forces are
taking the lead, as opposed to U.S. and coalition
forces (which were doing so a year ago), in
operations aimed at quashing sectarian violence,
terrorism, and crime.
"Today, Iraqis are out front, firing the first
bullets," says Talabani. "The Americans are now the
ones in support." He adds, Iraqi men, eager to serve
in the security forces, are literally defying death
to serve. "Time and again, the insurgents target
recruiting centers," he says. "But every time a
recruiting center is bombed, the next day we see
twice the number of recruits trying to enlist in the
army."
Despite the impatience and complexities surrounding
the forming of a national unity government, there
also has been enormous political progress in Iraq
since the fall of Saddam. Iraq has held three
overwhelmingly successful national elections. The
last of which was a turnout of nearly 12 million
people, more than 75-percent of Iraq’s eligible
voters. Iraq now has a constitution and freely
elected representatives from all regions and all
ideological quarters.
"In Saddam’s day, 99 percent would have turned out
for an election, because if you did not vote, you
would be arrested," says Talabani. "And he always
managed to get 100 percent of the vote. Today we
have thousands of candidates. We have a healthy
system where people of different ideologies from
Islamic organizations to secular groups are all
trying to debate their issues on the political
front. We have representatives from the different
communities negotiating, bargaining, sometimes
bickering over the formation of the new government.
We know that some are impatient here [in the U.S.],
and it is frustrating for us all, but the reality is
politics are complex in Iraq, a multi-ethnic,
multi-sectarian, opinionated society."
SERIOUS CHALLENGES
Not one to sweeten facts, Talabani concedes there
are serious problems and challenges ahead. Sectarian
violence did indeed spike after the bombing of the
Golden Dome shrine in Samarra. The terrorists are
still operating in Iraq. And Iraqi society still
bears the scars of the old regime.
"A colleague of mine once said that when the war is
over, we are not only going to require
several-hundred-thousand U.S. troops, but we are
going to require several-hundred-thousand U.S.
psychiatrists," he says. "The citizens of Iraq have
gone through a very traumatic last-few decades. It’s
going to take a long time to rebuild our society and
our trust in our neighbors."
Economic development woes are perhaps the most
important challenge facing the new Iraq, because
economic problems fuel any unrest.
"We still cannot provide adequate electricity
throughout the country," he says.
Indeed, and for several reasons. Prior to the
invasion of 2003, Iraq was producing an average of
4,300 megawatts of electricity, much of which was
diverted from the outlying provinces to Baghdad.
That wattage has fluctuated – higher and lower than
the pre-war averages – since 2003. But the
electricity is now more evenly distributed
throughout the country, and that creates an
appearance that the previously high-powered cities
are now not getting adequate electricity. Also,
insurgent sabotage on the nation’s electrical grid
has had a direct impact on output. And, if nothing
else, demand for electrical power has doubled.
"People are bringing in more air conditioners,
computers, Playstations, satellite TVs, and this is
putting a much greater load on the system," says
Talabani, adding, "We also still cannot get enough
oil out of the country. Oil exports are at an
all-time low. Part of that is because of sabotage
against the pipeline. Part is because of
bureaucracy. Part is because there is a decrepit
infrastructure that simply needs to be rebuilt. That
takes time and money."
According to Talabani, the insurgency in Iraq will
not be put down unless the lives of Iraqi citizens
are improved. "We are not going to defeat the
terrorists by having only a good government and a
super-strong army," he says. "We have to also make
sure Iraqis have electricity, water, healthcare, and
jobs."
A TOUGH NEIGHBORHOOD
"We live in a very difficult neighborhood, where we
sometimes look at Europe and think, wouldn’t it be
nice if we had Luxembourg as a neighbor," Talabani
says, smiling.
The audience laughs.
"But we have neighbors like Syria, Iran, even Al
Qaeda, and others who have an interest in Iraq one
way or another. All are looking at the democratic
experiment in Iraq. They are looking at the fact
that Iraq’s different communities are for the first
time having a say at the national level."
It is a disconcerting fact for many regional heads
of state, both Islamic and secular, for as Talabani
explains, "Iraq is sounding alarm bells throughout
the Middle East. Others are feeling as if they too
should have a say in how their government is run."
Hence, the concerns for those in power throughout
the region.
QUESTIONS
Following the lecture, I asked Talabani if it is
disheartening for the Iraqi people to hear and read
the words of Americans who are so vehemently opposed
to our efforts in Iraq.
"Yes," he responded, "because what is a very
honorable debate among your society and among the
American Congress is being translated in Iraq as a
sign of division and a wavering U.S. commitment to
democracy in Iraq. This of course has an adverse
affect on the morale of the Iraqi people, the
government, even the security forces. Most
dangerously, the terrorists are emboldened. They
know that by influencing public opinion in different
countries, they can affect policy. That’s exactly
what Al Qaeda did in Madrid."
Another member of the audience poses a question
about whether or not Iraq is devolving into civil
war.
"We can get a lot of really smart people in a room
and debate and try to categorize whether or not it’s
a civil war, sectarian violence, or ethnic
violence," says Talabani. "I think that is beside
the point. I think we are wasting too much time on
trying to define it. The reality is there is
sectarian violence. It has peaked since the tragic
attack on the mosque in Samarra. We are addressing
it. But if you ask 12 Iraqis whether or not it is
civil war, you’ll probably get 14 different
answers."
Author's Note: Mr. Talabani’s lecture was arranged
and hosted by USC students Anthony Busch and Erin
Hutchison, both undergraduate fellows with the
Washington, D.C.-based Foundation for the Defense of
Democracies.
W. Thomas Smith, Jr. is a Townhall.com columnist
who has written four books and penned over a
thousand pieces for a variety of publications
including USA TODAY, George, and U.S. News & World
Report.
www.townhall.com
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