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Hawbir Ibrahim, a 20 year-old accountancy student in
the Kurdish town of Sulimaniya, has a positive view
on Iraq's new constitution, which will be sent to
the government printing house today. "It is astep
towards independence," he says.
In this town in the foothills of Iraqi Kurdistan is
a seemingly political contradiction - a deeply held
longing for secession, matched with support for
leaders who argue that, at least for the time being,
the 14 year-old Kurdish autonomous zone must remain
part of Iraq.
It is a contradiction that was expressed in January
when Kurds lined up to vote overwhelmingly for the
incumbent leaders at the same time as they voted
overwhelmingly for secession in a non-binding
referendum.
It is likely to surface again in October, when Kurds
are expected to cast their ballots for the document
which, although it confirms the powers of the
self-rule zone, omits a key phrase calling for
Kurdish "self-determination", the right to secede at
a later date.
"This clearly shows that there is the dream of an
independent Kurdistan, and there is the rational
choice of remaining in Iraq," says Asos Hardi,
editor-in-chief of the independent Hawlati weekly.
Iraqis will vote on the charter in an October 15
referendum, with the outcome not assured because of
opposition from the country's Sunni minority, which
governed under Saddam Hussein.
In the media, columnists argue about whether or not
the constitution is a sell-out of Kurdish rights, or
the best that negotiators from the two main Kurdish
parties, the Patriotic Union of Kurdistan and the
Kurdistan Democratic party, could achieve from a
Shia-dominated parliament.
Others simply state that the wide-ranging
disagreement between ethnic groups exposed by the
constitutional debate means that Iraq is not a
functional country, and the Kurds should get out.
For some Kurds, independence is non-negotiable after
more than four decades of constant guerrilla warfare
against governments in Baghdad.
However, others argue that Kurdish independence -
opposed by Iraq's neighbours Turkey and Iran and
viewed by Washington as destabilising - is not
politically viable at this time.
The debate on the constitution and independence also
reflects opinions on the two parties, each of which
rules a different part of Kurdistan.
Many Kurds, particularly in the cities, say the
parties have become inefficient and corrupt after 14
years of uncontested rule in their respective zones.
The parties, however, have little chance of losing
their power, thanks to patronage based on tribal
sheikhs and war heroes, as well as an unwillingness
among Kurds to change leaders at a critical point in
their history.
Meanwhile many Kurds are content to enjoy an
autonomy that is independence in all but name. Mr
Ibrahim is asked whether he believes that Kurdistan
will still be part of Iraq in 10 years' time. He
seems amused by the question. "We're not part of
Iraq now," he says.
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