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Last year at this time,
among other matters, I was coordinating the legal
affairs of a small group of entrepreneurs who sought
to invest in economic development projects in
Kurdistan Iraq. After several months of planning, we
tabled the investment project, because the
investment consortium did not obtain sufficient
capital to undertake its targeted high-end
development projects.
While this particular effort is on hold for the
present time, other private investment initiatives
are quietly moving forward in the region. Troubling
for the United States, however, foreign companies
and investors are initiating many of these economic
partnerships. In particular, South Korea and Germany
are working hard to obtain solid corporate toeholds
in Kurdistan Iraq. Nonetheless, the window is still
wide open for the United States — Kurdistan is a
land of emerging development opportunities, and the
Kurds are eager to form international economic ties.
For example, in a recent article in a German
newspaper, reporter Olivia Schoeller observed:
While bombs are exploding daily in Baghdad, the
northern Iraqis are experiencing an economic boom. .
. .
A glance out of the window of the Director General
for Finance of the Kurdish regional government shows
how far the future of Kurdistan has already
flourished: around the Ministry of Finance, as in
many places in the city, buildings are shooting up.
Apartment buildings, offices, warehouses, it looks
as if everywhere in Erbil is under construction. . .
.
To the Kurds the region is Kurdistan, liberated
Kurdistan, as most residents call it today.
Liberated from Saddam Hussein and years of
oppression. Liberated from the religious constraints
of the Islamists and seemingly ready for a new
future that goes much further than the older
generation can even imagine.
. . . the Kurds are experiencing a regular boom. Not
only is Erbil under construction, but also in Dukan
new roads are springing up, and in many villages
vacation homes are being built.[1]
In recent days, I spent some time reflecting upon
the reasons why our investment consortium did not
(as yet) attract sufficient capital. Investments in
Iraq — even the more stable northern region — entail
obvious risks, but risk was not the problem. In my
opinion, the investors faced three ideological
hurdles. All are unfortunate observations about
America's political climate.
The First Obstacle — Political Ideological
Prejudice in Media
First, the majority of elites who control big media
harbor contempt for President Bush. As a
consequence, the media skews most of its coverage of
Iraq, almost gloating over any setback.
In an editorial last fall, I observed that big media
is missing most of the positive stories in Iraq.
Instead of writing about new schools and
enterprises, instead of reporting about Kurdish
children who are full of hope and smiles and who no
longer fear Saddam Hussein, instead of writing about
my cousin and others who are serving in Iraq and
have great optimism about our efforts there and the
future of Iraq, day after day, our media slaps
together stories about roadside bombs and
terrorists. Granted, Iraq is a dangerous place, but
there are hundreds of positive stories that are
never aired for every negative one presented.
Unfortunately, this partisan media coverage has
harmed efforts to get investment dollars into Iraq.
Since people see only wreckage from bombs on the six
o'clock news each night, it is no mystery why
finding venture capital for Kurdistan is extremely
difficult.
The Second Obstacle — Political Ideological
Prejudice in Business
As with big media, liberal relativists increasingly
control the social and political strategy of big
corporations. If you assume that business is a haven
for conservatives, think again.
In his recent book, It Takes a Family, Senator Rick
Santorum caused a stir when he observed that the
"village elders in academia, government, and
business . . . the Bigs in their industries . . .
are committed liberals."[2] In my opinion and
experience, Santorum is absolutely correct.
To the liberal relativists who are seizing corporate
policy, giving to the ACLU and Planned Parenthood is
"inclusive." Broach with these folks the idea of
giving to Focus on the Family, The American Center
for Law and Justice, or Prison Fellowship
Ministries, however, and you would likely be met
with a stern glare and silence. After all, these
family friendly causes are "divisive" in our
progressive society.
Don't believe me? Open up your company manual. Find
out the causes which your company "matches" employee
donations. You may be surprised.
Take a gander at the causes that the company itself
has supported in recent years. You may be surprised.
As a consequence of the left-wing thought police
running the show in big corporate America, again, it
is no surprise that few companies would consider
putting even one dollar into Kurdistan. Forget
economics. Forget business strategy. To the left,
it's all about politics.
The Third Obstacle — Antagonism to Faith
The third obstacle facing the investment consortium
was the investors' openness with faith. The
consortium consisted of a rarity in today's
left-leaning corporate society — Christian business
executives and entrepreneurs with worldviews who are
unafraid to admit, and to live by, their faith. Why
was this an issue? Today, in much of corporate
America, particularly in large northeastern cities,
it is socially unacceptable — even damaging to your
career — to openly hold Christian values and
beliefs.
A liberal legal acquaintance recently opined, "the
modern, progressive world has passed right by people
who are open with faith." Needless to say, such
prejudice is prevalent and it can be frustrating.
Many self-avowed "open-minded" liberals are simply
unable to bring themselves to work alongside
Christian conservatives. I have little doubt that
such prejudice harmed the consortium. To
left-wingers, "Christians can be sooooo
embarrassing!"
As I see it, the views of the individuals in the
investment consortium are far from outmoded — far
from "passed right by." The individuals were nobly
led by a sense of Christian responsibility. If they
merely sought profit, they could have dumped the
investment money into mutual funds.
Yet, as Christians with knowledgeable worldviews,
these individuals were moved by the Kurds'
commitment to safeguard the free expression of
religion — a society where both Christians and
Muslims are free to exercise their faiths. The group
was also inspired by the Kurds' unyielding
determination to simply survive amidst Saddam
Hussein's decades of chemical bombs and artillery
shelling. In addition, the investors understood the
biblical significance of the region.
Yes, there was financial risk. But for the
investors, all of these other considerations drove
the deal and made risk a non-issue.
Stepping back to see the Big Picture — Is it the
Big Elites versus Faith?
This experience has sharpened my senses to the
general manner in which conservative and faith-based
causes are ostracized in today's corporate America.
Obviously, entrepreneurs interested in the emerging
Kurdistan market need not be conservative. They need
not be Christian. Nonetheless, since I was working
with Christian conservatives, I had a chance to step
back and take notes. The picture is not a pleasant
one for believers.
In part, prejudice against faith exists because blue
states suffer from a paucity of Christian
role-models, leaders, and statesmen who are open
about faith and unafraid to champion faith-based and
conservative causes. Here is politician Howard
Dean's view on religion: "People in the Northeast
don't talk about their religion. It's a very
personal, private matter . . ."[3] Gee wiz, faith
isn't a disease, Howard.
In big northeastern cities, the faithful are a
silenced majority. Secularist left-wing lawyers and
activists have cowed the faithful into guilt-ridden
inaction. In Two Cities Two Loves, Christian
Responsibility in a Crumbling Culture, James
Montgomery Boice comments, "I would argue that the
greatest challenge to a serious Christian witness
today is to establish an evangelical presence in the
world's cities."[4] Even though Boice was outlining
a plan to combat drug abuse, crime, and similar
problems in big cities, I would argue that Boice's
words apply as much to a big city's white collar
offices as they do to its dangerous alleyways.
Liberal relativists in big city offices who support
rabid left-wing causes are doing as much or more to
harm the moral fabric of America than any drug
dealer or criminal on the street.
Christian brothers and sisters, our mission work
tends to focus abroad. While there is need for our
help abroad, we do not need to travel to distant
lands to do God's work. The antagonism to faith that
exists in media, business, and law indicates that
our own cities here in America also cry out for
help. For me, my experience with the investment
consortium cemented this view in my mind. To change
the world, we can begin with our own spheres of
influence — our family, friends, neighbors,
colleagues, and communities.
With humble confidence, prayerfully go forward into
the world, help people, and do good works.
www.renewamerica.us
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