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ARBIL: Viewed from Kurdistan, Iraq is a
recurring nightmare that most want to forget.
To state that Kurdish history as part of the Iraqi
experiment has been colorful is a huge
understatement. For the 6 million or so Kurds
residing mainly in the mountainous regions of
northern Iraq, their lives have been commonly
tainted with tales of uprisings, systematic
repression, forced deportation and suffering.
Finally free from the totalitarian grip of Saddam
Hussein's Ba'ath regime, the Kurds for the first
time in 1991, thanks largely to the establishment of
a US-sponsored safe haven - enforced by daily air
patrols in the three northern-most Iraqi provinces -
have flourished economically, socially and
politically with relative freedom and stability.
Ever-grateful for the US liberation, soldiers are
hugged and given warm receptions and not targeted in
this part of the country. Ghomma Mustafa, a prisoner
for nearly nine years, showed
typical enthusiasm for the US liberation: "Thanks to
the US, now the whole of Kurdistan is free and we
are grateful. Right now, without the US presence in
Iraq, it would collapse."
The problem in this part of the world, a far cry
from the terrorist-ridden and volatile south and
central areas, is that people do not feel a part of
Iraq, or even want to be associated with any of its
traditional customs. In this part of the country, it
is the Kurdistan flag and not the Iraqi flag that is
ubiquitous. Even the crossing at the Haber border
gate between Iraq and Turkey suggest that one is
entering a separate country, and not Iraq.
For the Kurds, they have fought with their blood and
lives to live this day, and they are determined to
not settle for anything less than what they feel
they deserve - now federalism, as proposed in the
draft constitution submitted to parliament this
week, perhaps later full autonomy, even
independence.
Arabs are viewed with such suspicion that any
agreement on the future blueprint of Iraq needs to
be cast in solid guarantees to dampen Kurdish fears.
The common feeling here is why should they succumb
once again to Arab-dominated rule and second-class
citizenship: under Saddam Hussein, the Kurds came in
for particularly brutal treatment.
According to Mossein Masjid-Abudllah, a local
intelligence advisor, "The Arab exiles have gone
back on their pre-liberation agreement. People talk
of a future Iraq based on a voluntary union, but
still they think and look at us as second class. I
want Arabs and Kurds to have separate identities."
The independent-minded view of the Kurds was visible
in an unofficial referendum that was held
side-by-side with the Iraqi national elections in
January - an overwhelming majority of the population
voted yes to secession.
Boom times
The districts of Arbil and Sulaimanyia in particular
have experienced an unparalleled economic boom, with
skyscrapers and new projects dotting the landscape.
The price of land has increased dramatically and
foreign investors, scared by the terrorist and
bloodshed of other parts of the country are flocking
to the relative stability of the Kurdish north.
New technology, two mobile networks, Internet cafes
and a host of other services are now commonplace.
Even Arabs have come to appreciate and benefit from
the prosperity, with daily buses taking young Arab
workers keen to earn money to the major cities
looking for unskilled labor. Some Arab families are
even settling in the area.
Ibrahim Muhammed Tahir, a mechanic, is one of those
seeking a better life in the north. "Here I feel
free and at least have a job. With daily bombings
and kidnappings, I was living in too much fear."
However, the rags-to-riches success story of the
north is perhaps where the heart of the Iraqi
problem lies. The fear among Kurds is that in the
future Iraq, although free from the dictatorial
grasp of Saddam, they may actually end up with less
than they enjoyed before.
Didar Salah Saddiq, a computer administrator, echoed
typical pessimism. "Who's to say they [Arabs] will
not be worse than Saddam? I don't need a
constitution or a change in my current
circumstances."
On paper, Iraq is, and will remain, a united
sovereign country, but in reality it has been split
into two for well over 14 years. The Kurds have
their own parliament and Peshermga military force,
which maintains order and security, and now two new
airports and even an airline company, Kurdistan
Airlines.
Maintaining this situation is the minimum
requirement. In addition, Kurds want the return of
other Kurdish-dominant lands, especially oil-rich
Kirkuk. "My red lines are simple, the return of
Kirkuk and all Kurdish lands," proclaimed Hiresh
Noureddin, a local worker.
This is not to say that the Kurds feel that a
prosperous plural, democratic and federal Iraq is
unimaginable. It is more the case that they realize
that many years of healing will be required before
they can trust any government and become equal
partners in Iraq.
According to regional police commander Hamza Saddaq
Kakallah: "A solid union based on trust will take
many years. I think it would be great if Arabs could
visit these lands and appreciate the scenery and
culture and vice versa, without fear."
Although the new generation has never experienced
Iraqi Arab rule, and more commonly adopt English as
their second language, they have been strongly
reminded by the older and somewhat-wiser generation,
which has been mentally scarred by the destruction
of homes, the loss of loved ones or the chemical
gassing of their towns. Many a home that one visits
carries portraits of lost loved ones on the wall to
serve as a daily reminder.
The bottom line is that no matter to what extent the
new constitution and the Iraqi government benefits
the Kurds, the Kurdish question will not be put to
rest all too easily. The Kurds are fiercely proud
that their millennia-old heritage, culture and
language have never diminished, despite decades of
ethnic cleansing and attempts at subjugation.
"We are Kurds and have our own identity. This is not
easy to give up and we cannot change to something we
are not," said Najia Yassin, a college student.
Further, the Iraqi Kurdish question is just a piece
in the greater Kurdish puzzle that spans the region,
especially Turkey, which is dead against Iraq's
Kurds gaining too much autonomy (and certainly not
independence) least its own Kurdish minority get
ideas. Already, there has been increased Kurdish
unrest in Turkey, Syria and Iran, owing much to the
prominence of the Iraqi Kurds.
Many people in Kurdish Iraq say that independence is
their basic right, which they have been forcibly
denied. For the people of this area, anything short
of independence is a step toward compromise. Mention
Iraq as Arabic and faces squint. Fly the Iraqi flag
and people will view you with caution and suspicion.
Speak Arabic and many a head will turn. "I don't see
why I have to learn Arabic, when they don't learn
Kurdish, or fly the Iraqi flag. It would be to say
that Saddam is still in power," proclaimed Meriwan
Ghazi, a student.
For now, in the highly charged and volatile
political and security climate, Kurds and Arabs will
keep their distance. One cannot foresee Iraqi troops
being sent to Kurdistan, and it is even more
unlikely that laws will be passed in Baghdad that
are deemed against Kurdish interests.
Kurds are watching vigilantly as their politicians
in Baghdad strive to deliver. Anything short of
public expectations and the regional government can
expect a severe backlash from the public. The huge
number of colorful and passionate demonstrations in
recent weeks is testimony to this threat.
It is appearing ever more likely that in Iraq, in
all but name, two separate countries will exist.
Bashdar Ismaeel is a London- based
freelance writer who also holds first-class bachelor
of science degree honors. The focus of his work is
primarily on Iraq, the Kurds and Middle Eastern
current affairs. He can be contacted at bashdar@hotmail.com.
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