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 War? It's not holding back Kurds

 Source :  The Dallas Morning News
  Kurd Net does not take credit for and is not responsible for the content of news information on this page

 


War? It's not holding back Kurds 25.11.2005
By Tod Robberson

 




SULAYMANIAH, Kurdistan-Iraq – It's almost as if someone forgot to tell the Kurdish inhabitants of northern Iraq that there's a war going on.

A boomtown atmosphere seems to prevail across the region. Streets are clogged with major construction projects, including shopping malls, hotels, office complexes and highway interchanges. Commercial activity is brisk, and jobs are so plentiful that Arabs and Iranians, who normally shun the region known as Kurdistan, are migrating here in search of work.

In a land with an extreme shortage of success stories, Kurdistan stands out as Iraq's model of prosperity and security. Car bombs are a rarity. Fear seems nonexistent. What many Iraqis want to know is: If it could happen here, why not the rest of the country?

"Where I come from, there's no security anywhere. When you go to work in the morning, you never know if you'll come home alive in the evening," said Mahmoud Saeed, a migrant Iraqi Arab construction worker from Mosul. "If Mosul had security like this," he added with a chuckle as he considered the possibilities, "our economy would be huge."

Self-policing

Despite the presence of 160,000 U.S. and other foreign troops across Iraq, instability and daily insurgent attacks have severely hampered reconstruction plans. But the Kurds, who are largely self-policing because of a 250,000-member armed force known as the Pesh Murga, have witnessed only a small fraction of the violence besetting the rest of the country.

The reasons for their economic success are more complex than the sole issue of security, according to various observers. Much of it has to do with Kurdish cultural unity, their common goal of achieving independence and a singular drive to show the world that Kurds can prosper with or without the rest of Iraq.

Additionally, Kurds share common bonds with both the Arab Shiite and Sunni Muslim communities who are behind most of Iraq's violence.

Like the Shiites, who dominate most of southern Iraq, the Kurds suffered heavy oppression under the regime of former dictator Saddam Hussein, an Arab Sunni. Shiite and Kurdish leaders joined forces during negotiations this year to write a new constitution, winning the right for their regions to become self-governing federal states.

But because the Kurds are mainly Sunni Muslim, they share a religious bond with the Arab Sunnis who dominate central Iraq and provide most of the insurgents fighting U.S.-led international forces. The Arab Sunnis continue to court Kurdish political support to help block Shiite domination of the national legislature.

The result, analysts explain, is that Kurdistan has been spared from the kinds of attacks witnessed daily around the rest of the country.

Rush of job-seekers

Evidence of the resulting prosperity is the estimated 11,000 Iraqi Arabs who have flocked to Kurdistan looking for work, said Kamaran Ahmad, head of the economics department at the University of Sulaymania.

"Security has a direct and undeniable relationship with economic performance. If I can't offer you security, your company cannot work here," Mr. Ahmad said.

After the end of the U.S.-led invasion of Iraq in 2003, he added, "American companies tried to carry out contracts in Baghdad, but they had to stop because their workers were always being attacked. This is the effect of security. Here, you can see companies from America, Spain, Turkey, Iran, Korea. Nobody is afraid."

Although Kurdish leaders continuously praise the American military presence in Iraq, they are quick to assert that Kurdish security forces, not Americans, have been an essential factor in keeping the region stable.

Sherjaafar Sheikh Mustafa, head of the Pesh Murga command council in Sulaymania province, said his forces gained a sense of unity and cohesion while fighting Mr. Hussein's regime as an insurgent force in the three decades before the dictatorship fell in 2003.

Kurds express few reservations about joining northern police and military units, whereas similar units in Arab parts of Iraq are struggling to meet recruitment and training goals because of constant insurgent attacks on recruitment centers.

"I thought of working as a policeman once, when I really needed a job," said Imad Jabal, an Arab Sunni from Mosul. "But the insurgents will stab you in the back. They'll find out where you live and kill your family. Here, the Kurds treat everyone like brothers, including the Arabs."

Despite the relative stability, Kurds say the region's prosperity has fueled rampant corruption.

"It is certainly a problem," said Izzidine Barwari, a senior member of the Kurdistan Democratic Party whose leader, Massoud Barzani, is the regional president of Kurdistan. His party and the Patriotic Union of Kurdistan, led by Iraqi President Jalal Talabani, maintain a virtual stranglehold on power across Kurdistan.

Mr. Barzani's party rules with near-monopoly control on power in the eastern half of Kurdistan. Mr. Talabani's party dominates similarly in the western half.

Corruption

Mr. Barwari acknowledged that a lack of checks and balances on the two parties has caused corruption to flourish. "The No. 1 request of the people is that we get rid of corruption," he said.

It is most evident in the way government contracts are dispensed, said Dher Ahmad Hamad, head of the history department at the University of Sulaymania. With so much money, and without an independent monitoring watchdog, a system of kickbacks, cronyism and bribery has become entrenched.

"If you talk to people on the streets, it's what everyone is complaining about. Government officials give big contracts to their own companies or to their friends. They allow their friends to have a monopoly on imports so no one else can compete," Mr. Hamad said. "We don't know who is involved, but all you have to do is look for the guy whose job pays him $10 a day while he lives in a $1 million house."

Ala Talabani, a women's advocate and Mr. Talabani's niece, said the corruption will not stop unless the Kurds push democratic principles to a higher level.

"First of all, they have to acknowledge that corruption exists. The politicians have to sit down, have an honest discussion, and say, yes, there is corruption here," she said. "The problem is that the people responsible for corruption are the ones in charge of getting rid of it."

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