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Q) Tell us about the 22 months you spent under the
authority of the Americans at Baghdad airport
prison?
A) It is very difficult to explain in a matter of
lines or pages the suffering and hardship I
encountered over the 22 months, which I spent in the
prison of the Americans at Baghdad International
Airport. I intend to relay my story of my
imprisonment or rather, the unjust barbaric
abduction, in a book to be published in the Kurdish
language in several months time. God willing, the
book will also be translated into Arabic. However, I
briefly say that I had seen, and suffered a great
deal of moral humiliation, psychological and bodily
harm since the first moment of my abduction by the
US forces to the very end, a total of 659 days. This
convinced me fully that all the sugarcoated claims
made by America are sheer lies. I told the Americans
this much and more during the repeated, lengthy
interrogations and investigations held that lasted
for more than six months from the beginning of my
imprisonment.
Q) What is the truth behind the alleged charges
against you such as the claims about your
relationship with Ansar al-Islam, the preparations
to attack the US forces, and your relationship with
the former Baath regime?
A) The charges against me were unfounded. In fact,
they were mere lies and fabrications. I have
categorically refuted those charges a number of
times. As for our relationship with the group Ansar
al-Islam, I told the investigators that we have
issued an official statement and announced, on many
occasions, that that group has no relationship with
us and, in fact, there are differences in viewpoints
with them. We have many reservations about them, in
terms of their way of thinking, their work method,
as well as other things.
Concerning the charge of preparations to attack US
forces, I have told them that this is merely
suspicion that is not backed by any evidence, and
that proof is what is needed to show whether one is
telling the truth or lying. As God said in the Holy
Quran, "Produce your proof if ye are truthful."
As for the third charge about my relationship with
the Baath regime, I challenged them more than once
by saying that the members of the former Baath
regime, including politicians and administrative
staff, are all present here in this prison (Camp)
Cropper prison, which was specifically for holding
the leading members of the former regime. I and Dr
Sattam al-Ku'ud were the only two among the Baathist
prisoners. I would tell the investigators to
question the jailed Baath leaders about our
relationship in front of me.
Q) Who are the Baath leaders with you in prison?
What kind of conversations did you have with them
and did they admit the past mistakes of the former
ruling regime?
A) Almost all prominent leaders of the Baath Party
were with me at the Cropper prison, from Saddam
Hussien to his relatives and assistants in the
security and intelligence services and the army. As
for the kind of conversations we had, again they are
long and cannot be retold here. Many of them would
admit their past mistakes or the mistakes of the
former regime, in which they were political and
administrative officials. However, some of them
would insist upon their previous mentality.
Q) What has been the impact of the cancellation of
the military office of your Islamic group in April
2003 on your presence in Kurdistan?
A) The cancellation of the military office of our
group has not negatively affected the size of our
presence in Kurdistan, because we were a mass party
before that, and we were well organized in media,
and dawa (preaching Islam), cultural, and social
activities. On the other hand, everybody showed an
understanding towards our new reality in Kurdistan
and in Iraq in general. Besides, armed action is a
means, and not an end in itself. If goals should
remain constant, then means should change, renew,
and develop according to time, place, and
circumstances.
Q) Is it true that you came under intense pressure
from the US before you were released?
A) This is true. The Americans tried to set
conditions for my release, but I strongly rejected
those conditions. I told them that it is impossible
for me to agree to these conditions, even if it
means remaining in prison for 100 years, because
they contradict my religion and creed. Consequent to
this, they delayed my release me despite Washington
issuing my release form, as I learned afterwards.
They sent me back from the camp administration to
the prison, and put me in a cell that was of a worse
state than the one before. Finally, however, they
abandoned the conditions of release. Following
negotiations, I proposed a wording to them, which
they drafted later in the form of clauses.
Nevertheless, I also tied those clauses to a
condition, which is that none of these clauses
should be interpreted in a way that contradicts the
Islamic Sharia.
Q) What is the internal situation of the Islamic
Group in Kurdistan at present, in light of what was
said about the existence of a moderate trend, which
wants to adapt to this stage, and another hard-line
trend?
A) The internal situation of the Islamic Group in
Kurdistan is good at present. Our first conference,
which we held a few days ago, has helped us solidify
our internal ranks, and further shape our
ideological and political approach. Despite the
existence of individual views, which range between
flexibility and severity, the overwhelming trend in
the group is the moderate, balanced trend, which is
not inclined toward excessiveness or abandonment of
the Islamic Sharia. This trend is the moderate line,
on which the cadres of the Islamic Group have been
raised. Obviously, both flexibility and softness on
the one hand and severity and force on the other
have their own appropriate place in the Islamic
Sharia, since neither complete flexibility nor
absolute severity is commended in all circumstances.
Rather, "every situation has its own consideration,"
as the saying goes. The important thing is that we
should base all our positions on a profound
understanding of the Sharia and its rules and an
accurate knowledge of reality and its circumstances.
Q) There are questions marks above the fact that
your candidates ran in the elections within the list
of the Kurdistan Alliance, whereas in lat year's
elections, they ran in an independent list. In
addition, why did you not think about setting up a
Kurdish Islamic Front?
A) We have thought about forming an Islamic list in
Kurdistan to run in the elections, scheduled to be
held in mid December 2005. We have tried to do this.
However, the brothers in the Kurdistan Islamic Union
preferred to participate on their independent list
and did not accept our request.
Q) What is the approximate number of members of the
Islamic Group in Kurdistan and do you hope to set up
an Islamic state in Kurdistan one day?
A) The Islamic Group has a large number of members
and we ask God to grant us further success and
blessing. God willing, we hope to transform our
Kurdish society, of which the vast majority is
Muslim, into an Islamic society, which adheres to
Islam as a creed, system of worship, conduct, way of
living, policy, and judiciary and which applies
God's just and prudent Sharia in all walks of life.
This is to achieve happiness for the people of
Kurdish society in this life and success in the
Hereafter. Besides, there is no doubt that Islam is
the only common denominator that can unite all
components of Iraqi society, whose absolute majority
is Muslim.
Q) What is the truth of reports that there are
efforts to unite the Islamic Group, led by you, with
the Kurdistan Islamic Union, led by the Kurdish
Islamic figure Salah-al-Din Baha-al-Din, former
member of the disbanded Governing Council?
A) In the Islamic Group, we have good, strong
fraternal ties with the brothers in the Islamic
Union, led by Salah-al-Din Muhammad Baha-al-Din.
There are also visits and continuous contact and
meetings between us. We hope that those ties and
meetings will develop to a level that enables us to
present ourselves, the Islamists of Kurdistan, as
the third strongest party, which has influence in
political decisions and changing the course of
events in Kurdistan in particular and in Iraq in
general.
Q) We heard that you have supported the Iraqi draft
constitution, although some parties have
reservations about it. Why did you support it, and
are you going to adopt the same position on the
draft constitution of Kurdistan?
A) The reason we supported the Iraqi draft
constitution, on which a referendum was held in mid
October 2005, is that although we have observations
about it, it is considered a good attempt and a
positive step towards drafting the constitution of a
deep-rooted Islamic country at this critical stage.
This is especially since the draft constitution
contains an article, which says that Islam is the
official religion of the Iraqi state. It also bans
the enactment of any law that violates the constants
of the Islamic Sharia. Therefore, it is considered
the cornerstone in establishing an Islamic state
that embraces Islam, God's true religion, as a creed
and a way of life. The Iraqi draft constitution was
also based on a good foundation, which many positive
aspects can be built on, concerning the legitimate
rights of the Kurdish people and other peoples that
make up Iraqi society.
On the other hand, as far as I know, the draft
constitution of Kurdistan has not yet been
completed. We have several reservations about this
draft constitution, especially concerning the
position on Islam, as an official religion of the
region and as a law, which should be observed. In
addition, we should not enact any law that
contradicts the constants of the Sharia. We, the
Islamic Group, and the brothers in the Islamic Union
have written a joint letter of protest, in which we
expressed clearly that we, the Islamists of
Kurdistan, do not accept a position on Islam that
falls short of what was contained in the Iraqi
constitution. We have informed everybody that unless
our demand is met, we will reject that draft and
boycott the referendum on it. We hope that the draft
constitution of the region will be reviewed by the
Constitution Drafting Committee before presenting it
to the people, whether in parliament or through
putting it to a referendum.
Asharq Alawsat
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